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In only a few weeks, COVID-19 has profoundly changed our lives, causing tremendous human suffering and challenging the most basic foundations of societal well-being. Beyond the immediate impacts on health, jobs and incomes, the epidemic is increasing people’s anxiety and worry, affecting their social relations, their trust in other people and in institutions, their personal security and sense of belonging. The short and medium-term impacts of COVID-19 will be particularly severe for the most disadvantaged and risk compounding existing socio-economic divides. This policy brief looks at the broad range of effects that COVID-19 will have on different aspects of people’s lives, with a focus on specific population groups such as children, women and the elderly. It calls for rapid and decisive action by governments in order to support the most vulnerable people highlighting the importance of a broad and coordinated policy response that includes strengthened social protection, education, health care, housing support and specific interventions to enhance personal security of women and children, as well as actions supporting vulnerable workers, small businesses, communities and regions left behind.
A transition finance country pilot was initiated by the OECD Development Assistance Committee (DAC) in partnership with the government of Cabo Verde. The study aims to capture the challenges facing Cabo Verde following graduation from Least Developed Country (LDC) to Lower Middle Income Category (LMIC), including the shifting financing for sustainable development landscape, the mounting risk of debt distress and the economic and environmental vulnerabilities as a Small Island Developing States (SIDS). In line with the Addis Ababa Action Agenda (AAAA), the pilot study proposes a new “ABC” approach targeted to assess all available sources of financing (ODA, OOF, private investment, domestic resources, and remittances), identify emerging SDG financing gaps and promote better alignment of resources with national financing for sustainable development strategies.
Fan charts were pioneered by the Bank of England and Riksbank and provide a visually
appealing means to convey the uncertainty surrounding a forecast. This paper describes a
method for parameterising fan charts around GDP growth forecasts by which the degree of
uncertainty is based on past forecast errors, but the skew is derived from a probit modelbased
assessment of the probability of a future downturn. The probit-based fan charts
clearly out-perform the Bank of England and Riksbank approaches when applied to
forecasts made immediately preceding the Global Financial Crisis. These examples also
highlight weaknesses with the Bank of England and Riksbank approaches.
- The Riksbank approach implicitly assumes that forecast errors are normally
distributed, but over a long track record this is unlikely to be the case because
forecasters are generally poor at predicting downturns, which leads to bias and skew
in the pattern of forecast errors. Thus, the Riksbank fan chart is neither an accurate
representation of past forecast errors, nor is it a reflection of the risk assessment
underlying the forecast.
- The Bank of England approach relies heavily on the judgment of the members of
the Monetary Policy Committee to assess risks. However, even when they have
correctly foreseen the nature of future risks, the quantitative translation of these
risks into the fan chart skew has been too timid. Perhaps one reason for this is that
the fan chart prediction intervals based on historical forecast errors already appear
quite wide so that inflating them by adding skew may appear embarrassing (at least
ex ante).
The approach advocated in this paper addresses these weaknesses by recognising that
forecast errors are not symmetrical: firstly, this leads to more compressed prediction
intervals in the upper part of the fan chart (representing the possibility of under-prediction);
and secondly, using the large forecast errors from past downturns to calibrate downward
skew clearly supports a more bold approach when there is a risk of a downturn. A weakness
of the probit model-based approach is that it will not predict atypical downturns. For
example, in the current conjuncture it would not pick up risks associated with a ‘no deal’
Brexit or a global trade war. However, a downturn triggered by atypical events may be
more severe if risk factors describing a typical business-financial cycle are also high.
Two contemporary developments are buffeting legislative work on the budget.
One is the drive to discipline public finance by constraining the fiscal aggregates;
the other is the effort to enlarge the legislature’s role in revenue and spending
policy. Whether these trends turn out to be complementary or contradictory will
shape the budgetary role of national legislatures in the years ahead. One scenario
is for the legislature to reinforce fiscal discipline by taking responsibility for the
budget’s totals; another is for it to undermine discipline by bombarding the budget
submitted by the government with legislative amendments that trim revenues
or boost expenditures...
In recent years, considerable attention has been focused on the importance of managing information in organisations, as well as the challenges for organisations to make use of and adapt from it. Organisationsare expected to value information, to be able to learn from the past and to adapt to changing circumstances. While much of the literature has focused on private sector organisations, public sector organisations and indeed thegovernments within which they operate are undergoing significant reforms and face equal challenges. This paper considers organisational learning in the public sector in light of current public sector reform initiatives, many of which have implicitly been based on the assumption that the public sector can indeed use empirical evidence on past experience to inform current decision-making. In doing so, the paper tries to avoid treating organisational learning anthromorphically, focusing instead on the processes and procedures that form the life blood of organisations. Learning in organisations relates to how the organisation deliberately changes and adapts over time in terms of structures, functions, values, attitudes and behaviour. Organisational learning, as we shall use the term, refers to formal structures of information and whether or not they are used. Our interest is in how organisations can bring together information on past performance and have it influence decisions. Building on organisational learning literature, we will argue that while individual learning is important, it is not enough. There is a need to institutionalise learning processes within a public sector organisation...
Why do certain students thrive when facing adversity while others languish? In the mindset theory, growth mindset is opposed to fixed mindset, and could explain why some people fulfil their potential and others do not. With the COVID pandemic dragging on, having a growth mindset may be even more critical. For students who are able to set their own learning goals, elaborate learning strategies, and master their progress, the disruptive experience of school closing may be enriching. For students who are used to being led in their learning and who have little taste for steering their learning on their own, the experience may be devastating. This PISA in Focus analyses how growth mindset is related to the performance and well-being of 15-year-old students, and its potential implications in terms of equity.
During the past century, access to education increased in countries all over the world. Up until the early decades of the 20th century, people attended school for only a few years. Towards the end of the century, adults in high-income countries completed 12 years of schooling, on average. Today in OECD countries, a larger share of the population than ever before completes tertiary education. For many, especially socio-economically disadvantaged students whose parents had attained only low levels of education, this expanded access to education has led to upward educational mobility – attaining a higher level of education than their parents did.
But just as economic growth does not necessarily reduce income inequality, so the expansion of access to education does not automatically result in greater equity in educational attainment. For that to happen, disadvantaged students need to benefit as much as or more than advantaged students. A recent PISA report, Equity in Education, explores how upward educational mobility has changed over recent decades. It finds that, despite the expansion of access, socioeconomic disparities in the completion of tertiary education remain large. However, the report also shows that when students with low-educated parents perform at high levels by age 15, as measured by PISA, their chances of completing tertiary education improve considerably.
This paper seeks to identify the conditions under which raising public investment can sustainably lift growth without deteriorating public finances. To do so, it relies on a range of simulations using three different macro-structural models. According to the simulations, OECD governments could finance a ½ percentage point of GDP investment-led stimulus for three to four years on average in OECD countries without raising the debt-to-GDP ratio in the medium term, provided projects are sound. After one year, the average output gains for the large advanced economies of such a stimulus amount to 0.4-0.6%. However, the gains are particularly uncertain for Japan. Reprioritising spending in later years would lead to average long-term output gains of between 0.5 to 2% in the large advanced economies. Those gains depend on the assumptions made on the rate of return. Hysteresis reinforces the case for an investment-led stimulus. Output gains will also be higher if the stimulus is combined with structural reforms and if countries act collectively.
The achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) demands unprecedented resources and efforts. Remittances as one of the largest development finance flows are an important source of income for millions of households in developing countries and offer tremendous potential to contribute towards the achievement of Agenda 2030. However, the high cost of sending remittances limits their full potential. The global average cost of sending USD 200 is 6.9% of the remittance. SDG 10 C aims to reduce the cost to less than 3% and to eliminate remittance corridors with cost higher than 5% by 2030. Blockchain technology promises to disintermediate banks, transform the financial landscape and drastically reduce the cost of cross-border transactions, yet there is a need for further evidence on this topic.
The OECD Development Co-operation Directorate (DCD) has developed this paper to provide an overview of diverse perspectives on the intersection of blockchain technology and remittances by exploring the opportunities and challenges of this technology for reducing the cost of remittances. The paper identifies several limitations, such as data privacy risks, regulatory uncertainty and last-mile delivery, among others, while investigating whether blockchain technology is the solution to reduce the cost of remittances.
Previous OECD reports have concluded that disability policy has changed substantially in many OECD countries in recent decades. Nevertheless, large employment gaps remain between people with a disability and those without. This paper builds on earlier OECD analysis and recent extensions to OECD’s tax-benefit model (http://oe.cd/TaxBEN) for selected countries. The paper aims to assess the adequacy of income support programmes for people with reduced work capacity and their related work incentives. It describes how the system characteristics of these programs shape labour-market behaviour and employment. The paper finds evidence that the broader institutional setup of a disability programme does not necessarily have a major impact on key aspects of social-protection effectiveness. All types of scheme can achieve reasonable levels of benefit adequacy and broad benefit coverage for people with work limitations. However, design specifics matter considerably for people’s likelihood of (re-)employment.
Equity is a fundamental value and guiding principle of education policy and practice, but it is not necessarily actualised in schools and education systems around the world. There are large variations across PISA-participating countries and economies in the magnitude of the difference that socio-economic status makes in students’ learning, well-being and post-secondary educational attainment. This suggests that policy and practice have a key role to play in reducing socio-economic inequalities in education.
Equity does not mean that all students obtain equal education outcomes, but rather that differences in students’ outcomes are unrelated to their background or to economic and social circumstances over which the students have no control. Equity in education means that students of different socio-economic status achieve similar levels of academic performance, and of social and emotional well-being, and that they are equally likely to earn desirable post-secondary education credentials, such as university degrees, that will make it easier for them to succeed in the labour market and realise their goals as adult members of society. Education systems need to determine how individual students learn best and tailor learning opportunities to meet their needs.
The newly released PISA report, Equity in Education: Breaking Down Barriers to Social Mobility, shows that narrowing the differences related to socio-economic status in what students near the end of compulsory schooling can do with what they have learned could offer more opportunities for children and young people born into disadvantaged families to move up the socio-economic ladder.