1887

Ghana

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In 1957, when independence came, Ghana was one of the most advanced economies in sub-Saharan Africa. It seemed well placed to make rapid and substantial progress. In the event, economic performance was dismal, and by 1982 the economy was all but in ruins. External conditions and the weather can carry some of the blame for this. However, the fault lay mostly in internal policy, which, contrary to sound advice given by Arthur Lewis in 1953, discriminated against agriculture and increasingly inhibited market forces. Since 1983 economic reform and recovery have been under way. Here a realistic exchange rate has been central, and market forces have been resurgent. Apart from encouraging the cocoa farmer, policies have not noticeably included agriculture. Stateencouraged agricultural research and development and rural infrastructure could, however, be important, alongside soundly based industrial development ...

The process of adjusting the balance between the public and private sectors, an essential part of structural reforms launched in Ghana, took place in an improved macroeconomic environment. The policies pursued, Economic Recovery Programme I (1983-86) and II (1987-89), have followed so far a consensual scheme, "stabilization first then structural adjustment". In the following study, the author points out the probability of success for this second step, by analysing the components of one of the most successful experiences on the African continent ...

This report analyses the implementation of the AEOI Standard in Ghana with respect to the requirements of the AEOI Terms of Reference. It assesses both the legal frameworks put in place to implement the AEOI Standard and the effectiveness of the implementation of the AEOI Standard in practice.

This report analyses the implementation of the AEOI Standard in Ghana with respect to the requirements of the AEOI Terms of Reference. It assesses the legal frameworks put in place to implement the AEOI Standard.

This chapter analyses Ghanaian emigrants’ insertion in the labour market of destination countries, with a particular focus on the OECD area. It presents the 2015/16 employment status of emigrants aged between 15 and 64 years, with more recent data available for the United States (2017/2019) and Italy (2017/2020), the first and third destination countries in the OECD area. The chapter also analyses the dynamics of their insertion since the 2008 global recession and the 2010 Eurozone debt crisis. It provides an assessment of employment through the variables of sex, education, duration of stay and nationality. Finally, the chapter provides data on over‑qualification rates, occupations and employment sectors.

This chapter examines the size of the Ghanaian diaspora in the main destination countries, and its evolution since 2000. It provides a socio‑demographic analysis, focusing on age and educational distribution, emphasising differences by sex and across destination countries. For the central destination countries, it provides a snapshot of the geographic distribution of emigrants, and information on the acquisition of nationality. The chapter also presents evidence on the overall emigration rates of the Ghanaian population and its highly educated population towards OECD countries. The analysis systematically compares the Ghanaian diaspora with two reference groups: the foreign-born population living in the OECD area and emigrants from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

Emigrants are often considered a loss for their country of origin but they can also play an important role in fostering trade and economic development, notably through the skills and contacts they have acquired abroad. If they choose to return, their re‑integration into the labour market and society will be facilitated by the fact that they speak the local language, have specific social capital and possess local qualifications that are readily recognised by employers.

Migration flows from Ghana to OECD countries are the second highest among the countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), after Nigeria. Although growth in flows from Ghana to OECD countries has been slower than that from other ECOWAS countries, annual legal migration flows from Ghana more than doubled between 2000 and 2019, from 12 900 in 2000 to 23 000 in 2008 and to 27 400 in 2019.

The Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries (DIOC) covers the OECD destination countries for which data were collected both in 2000/01, 2005/06, 2010/11 and 2015/16. The main sources of DIOC data are national administrative registers and population censuses. In the censuses carried out in 2000/01, almost all OECD countries collected information on the country of origin of emigrants, so that it became possible to have an comprehensive overview of the numbers of migrants in OECD countries (for more general information on DIOC, see d’Aiglepierre et al. (2020[1]). Where censuses were not available or incomplete, labour force surveys were used as a substitute.

Several land value capture instruments are used in Ghana (), including developer obligations, strategic land management, and infrastructure levies, to recover costs from the impact of developments on public infrastructure use, to consolidate land, control urban growth and facilitate spatial planning. The main obstacles that limit broader use of land value capture include lack of administrative capacity, lack of financing for the acquisition of land, resistance from landowners, and an inadequate land registry.

This chapter examines recent trends in emigration from Ghana to the main OECD destination countries. In order to better understand the recent evolution in emigration flows, the chapter first traces the historical context of emigration from Ghana since its independence. The following section examines recent migration flows from Ghana to the main OECD destination countries and analyses the nature of these flows, using data on categories of residence permits issued to Ghanaian nationals. Finally, the last section examines emigration intentions among the Ghanaian population and the main determining factors of the desire to emigrate.

Ghana’s legal framework implementing the AEOI Standard is in place but needs improvement in order to be fully consistent with the requirements of the AEOI Terms of Reference. While Ghana’s international legal framework to exchange the information with all of Ghana’s Interested Appropriate Partners (CR2) is consistent with the requirements, its domestic legislative framework requiring Reporting Financial Institutions to conduct the due diligence and reporting procedures (CR1) has deficiencies significant to the proper functioning of elements of the AEOI Standard. Most significantly, deficiencies have been identified in Ghana’s enforcement framework.

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