Chapter 5. Private supplementary tutoring in Ukraine

Teachers in Ukraine often provide fee-based private supplementary tutoring to their own students. This practice – which is not prohibited or regulated - creates undesirable incentives. Teachers may offer preferential treatment in class to the students they tutor, or teach and mark poorly those they do not to create demand for their tutoring services. This chapter focuses on the conditions that lead families to seek private tutoring, and teachers to provide it. It recommends a range of measures to prevent tutoring that gives rise to conflicts of interest, including prohibiting teachers from tutoring their own students for a fee; introducing an obligation for tutors to register; providing better-quality feedback to parents on the learning progress; strengthening confidence that the EIT can be mastered with the help of regular schooling; and evaluating teacher compensation.

  

Regulatory and policy background

Private supplementary tutoring is instruction in subjects of relevance to student progression and graduation which is provided for a fee and takes place outside of regular school hours (Bray and Lykins, 2012). The purpose could be to better prepare for assessment and examination, understand specific parts of the curriculum or excel in academic competitions.

In Ukraine, assessment results at the transition points between educational levels shape the educational careers of students and their prospects for admission to higher education. According to recent data, supplementary tutoring accounts for a considerable part of parental investment in ensuring successful transition and is provided mostly by school teachers. In 2016, household expenditure on private tutoring was equivalent to 24% of the average household income (SSSU, 2016a; Civic Network Opora, 2016). Grade repetition was less common in Ukraine than in any country reporting lower secondary education data to United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 2013. The ultimate purpose of the extra classes is not principally to prevent grade repetition in primary and secondary schooling, but to increase the chances of admission to the best possible HEIs and study programmes.

Private supplementary tutoring in Ukraine takes place within the regulatory and policy context of staff policy, in particular the duties and responsibilities associated with the employment status of teachers who provide the tutoring services; school organisation, in particular organisation of the school day and teaching workload; and within a framework of learning assessment that assigns (or admits) students to different schools or educational programmes. These framework conditions are described below.

Employment status of teachers

Teachers in Ukraine are public employees, employed by the founder of the educational institution in which they teach (rayon or city, oblast or the MoES) in accordance with the Law on General Secondary Education (Annex 5.A1, ref. 1), the Law on Education (Annex 5.A1, ref. 2) and the Labour Code of Ukraine (Annex 5.A1, ref. 3).

The legislation stipulates a number of responsibilities that come with the profession and its employment status, all of which focused on fulfilling the professional obligations of teachers in school, for the most part during regular school hours, and their duty to meet their work obligations as employees according to the Labour Code. The regulations feature also some limited notions of ethics, but in declarative form only. For example, Article 56 of the Law on Education stipulates a duty to adhere to ethical standards and high morals, without further detail on what these standards are. At the time of this integrity review, Ukraine was recognised for its progress in developing conflict of interest regulations for the public sector. However, none of these regulations specifically covered public employees, such as teachers. A draft code of ethics for teachers was published by the MoES for a public discussion in 2011, but the document was not approved. In 2016 an Education Workers Code of Ethics was drafted by the Institute of Education Content Modernisation, but had not been adopted at the time the integrity review was completed.

Teaching workload

The workload of teachers is determined by two pieces of legislation: The Labour Code of Ukraine, which stipulates a reduced working week for teachers at all levels of education (36 hours instead of the standard 40 hours) (Annex 5.A1, ref. 4); and the Law on General Secondary Education, which determines that one standard workload (stavka) comprises 18 hours. The maximum standard workload of teachers may not exceed the maximum number of hours per week stipulated in the Labour Law: two stavka totalling 36 hours per week. Roughly half of these hours are spent teaching. Time spent outside of lessons is not regulated by law.

Many teachers are likely to have time to participate in tutoring. While there are no official statistics about the average number of working hours teachers have in Ukraine, the review team was told in stakeholder meetings that it is uncommon for teachers to have a 36-hour workload. For teaching-intensive subjects such as Ukrainian language, for which the school programme establishes a high number of hours per week, principals commonly split the available hours among several teachers, especially in bigger schools with more classes. For other subjects that have lower priority and less weekly hours, such as law or technical drawing, schools might require less than the 18 hours per week of one standard workload, especially in schools with less enrolment and fewer classes.

For teachers who teach less than the norm, these arrangements lead to the availability of time outside the classroom. While the job of a teacher normally requires preparation before and after class, work with colleagues and parents, and dealing with administrative tasks, this non-teaching time is not regulated, and may be used for different activities, including for private tutoring. In addition, the school year in Ukraine is relatively brief, containing 160-165 days of instruction, as compared to the OECD average of 184 days, providing additional time to support tutoring activities (UNESCO, 2011; OECD, 2016).

The framework of student assessments in Ukraine

As preceding chapters have described, there are three types of assessments of student knowledge in Ukraine that have consequences for the eligibility of students to progress to higher levels and different types of pre-tertiary education (e.g. academic, general secondary or vocational), and to higher education. These assessments are: (1) the continuing assessments by school teachers; (2) state final exams at the end of Year 4, 9 and 11 (developed and delivered by schools within guidelines set by the Ministry of Education); and (3) the External Independent Testing (EIT) at the end of Year 11, an externally developed and administered assessment.

The average results of the continuing assessments by school teachers in the years preceding the state final exams are decisive for progression to the next-highest level of education, except to Years 5 and 10, and for graduation. The successful transition at these points of the student career depends on the state final examination, which is the official “gateway” to gymnasiums (first-time enrolment in Year 5), and lyceums and collegiums (first-time enrolment in Year 10). The EIT is paramount for access to higher education institutions (HEI), and its scores can be combined with the results of the state attestation after Year 11 into a composite score for competitive admission to higher education. All are important for progression through the education system and for HEI access.

Table 5.1. Overview of responsibility for end-of-year assessments in general education

Transition from

Assessment used

Year 1 to 2

Teacher

Year 2 to 3

Teacher

Year 3 to 4

Teacher

Year 4 to 5

State examination

Year 5 to 6

Teacher

Year 6 to 7

Teacher

Year 7 to 8

Teacher

Year 8 to 9

Teacher

Year 9 to 10

State examination

Year 10 to 11

Teacher

End of Year 11

State examination

HEI Entry

EIT

Source: Law of Ukraine on Education No. 34 (1060-XII) of 1991; Law of Ukraine on General Secondary Education No. 28 (651-XIV) of 1999; Decree of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 1095 of 25 August 2004; Order of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine No. 1547 of 30 December 2014, registered in the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine on 14 February 2015 as No. 157/26602, Kyiv, Ukraine.

Continuing assessments, the state final exams and the EIT assessments share some important common traits.

First, they all evaluate the subject-matter knowledge covered in the school curriculum during regular school hours. This means that the content of tutoring in preparation for these assessments is aligned with the curriculum, which in turn raises the prospective “market” value of school teachers as private tutors (Borodchuk, 2011).

Second, state exams and the EIT cover a selection of core subjects within the curriculum. Teachers in specialties that are compulsory or widely examined are more likely to be sought after as tutors than others. As shown in Table 5.2, Ukrainian language and literature is a high priority, since it is obligatory in both the state final school-leaving exam and the higher education entrance examination, the EIT. Students are also required to examine in mathematics or history of Ukraine, as well as one foreign language. Examination in other school subjects depends upon the student’s choice of higher education programme.

Table 5.2. Subjects included in EIT assessment in Ukraine (2016)

Subject

Obligatory in the state final (school-leaving) exam (Y/N)

Obligatory in the EIT (higher education entrance) (Y/N)

Ukrainian language and literature

Y

Y

History of Ukraine

Y (history or mathematics)

Y (history or mathematics)

Mathematics

Foreign language

Y

Y

Geography

N

3 to 4 additional subjects, depending on HEI programme

Physics

Chemistry

Biology

Note: For those graduating high school in 2016, final exams in in Ukrainian language and literature, mathematics, or history of Ukraine) are conducted in the form of EIT. The final marks in these subjects are taken into account as the HEI entrance EIT score. The final exam in a foreign language is also mandatory since 2016, however only the students who took the approbation exam in the form of an EIT in April 2016 could use their mark as the final exam mark in foreign language. All other students had to take the school final exam in a chosen foreign language. The final exam mark in foreign language goes to the School Leaving Certificate. The students applying to higher education also took regular EITs in a chosen foreign language.

Source: Order of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine No. 94 of 2016, http://osvita.ua/legislation/Ser_osv/50034/.

A. Description of integrity risk and violation

Private supplementary tutoring (PST) is a widespread practice in Ukraine, as in many other former socialist countries and countries in Southern Europe, as well as in East Asia (ESP, 2006; Dang and Rogers, 2008). There is a range of opinions among professionals about private tutoring. Some claim that is unethical behaviour of teachers. Others welcome it and see it as a sign of parental interest in providing a higher quality of education for their children (Długosz, 2016). Still others treat it simply as a business opportunity, part of a broader, supplementary teaching industry, like in Japan and South Korea (Dang and Rogers, 2008; OECD, 2014). Private tutoring commonly signals shortcomings in education quality, such as lower quality of teaching in school, a consequence of an overburdened curriculum, or the result of a mismatch between the content of standardised tests and the curriculum. Private tutoring is also a problem pertinent to equity: research shows that the percentage of children that use private tutoring is highest among families that have higher education levels, a better socio-economic background, high educational aspirations and integrity (Bray, 2007; Długosz, 2016; Milovanovitch et al., 2015; Bray and Kwo, 2014).

Private supplementary tutoring can have different purposes – for instance, remedial or enrichment out-of-school learning - and take place in different formats and intensity, e.g. provided steadily during the academic year on afternoons and evenings, concentrated before examinations, or during weekends and vacations; from one hour weekly to several hours daily (OECD, 2013).

Supplementary tutoring in Ukraine is mainly provided by school teachers, and it can be an important family outlay. Among those families who purchased private tutoring in 2016, their expenditures were equivalent to 24% of the average Ukrainian household income (SSSU, 2016a; Civic Network Opora, 2016).

In one of its forms, private supplementary tutoring can also be a particular and immediate integrity concern. When provided by teachers to their own students for a fee, usually outside regular school hours, it can endanger the integrity of teachers by putting them in a situation of conflict of interest, affecting their impartiality and professionalism. Tutoring organised in this way can result in teachers offering preferential treatment to the students they tutor when teaching and assessing during regular schooling. It can also tempt teachers to under-teach on purpose to create demand for their tutoring services in view of generating a personal benefit.

There is evidence to suggest that this particular form of private supplementary tutoring is putting the integrity of teachers and classroom learning in Ukraine at risk. Nearly seven in ten (69%) upper-secondary school graduates resorted to tutoring in 2015 (Długosz, 2016). Most of them (73%) did so in order to achieve the best possible results at the exit exam (a combination of the state final exam and the EIT), and 61.7% were motivated by their wish to be admitted to a particular HEI. Private tutoring for reasons not related to transition to higher education was considerably less common. Only 17% of respondents indicated that they had problems with learning and took remedial classes, for 16.3% private tutoring served an enrichment purpose, and 6.3% were tutored following their parents’ wish (Table 5.3).

Successful graduation and transition to higher education was also confirmed as a primary motive in a 2015/16 survey of full-time HEI students, 46% of whom stated that in their preparation for the standardised test, they used the services of private tutors (CEDOS, 2015). According to another 2016 survey of 2 086 high school graduates who took the EIT, some 36% had a tutor in preparation for the exam.

Table 5.3. Reasons for resorting to private supplementary tutoring

Reason

Share of respondents (%)

I want to achieve as high as possible a result in the graduation exam

73

I want to get to my desired HEI

61.7

I was not learning fluently and therefore I lack knowledge

17

I want to know more than I was taught at school

16.3

Parents’ influence

6.3

The teachers were teaching insufficiently, they did not care

5.3

Other

3

Teacher’s suggestion

1.3

Most of my friends take private lessons

0

Note: Respondents could select more than one answer.

n = 584

Source: Długosz, P. (2016), “Private lessons as an instrument for middle class status struggle in post-socialist societies: Poland and Ukraine case studies”, www.economics-sociology.eu/files/16_228_Dlugosz.pdf.

The vast majority of those who report using private tutoring services to prepare for the EIT (91.4%) did so in order to prepare for the test in Ukrainian language and literature – the only obligatory subject in both the state final exam at the end of Year 11 and the EIT. The second most frequent subject was English language (38.1%), followed by mathematics (37.7%) and history (37.4%) (Figure 5.1). Close to half of the students (46%) took classes in more than one subject (CEDOS, 2015).

Figure 5.1. Prevalence of private tutoring for the EIT, by subject tutored (2016)
picture

Note: n = 2086, of whom 36% had attended private tutoring.

Source: Civic Network Opora (2016), Опитування: Як ставляться до зовнішнього незалежного оцінювання його учасники? [Survey: What Do the EIT Participants Think about the EIT], www.oporaua.org/novyny/42752-opytuvannia-yak-stavliatsia-do-zovnishnoho-nezalezhnoho-otsiniuvannia-ioho-uchasnyky.

Prior to the introduction of the External Independent Testing, HEI professors held a nearly monopolistic position in the delivery of private tutoring. Private tutors who are also members of the admission committee were especially popular among HEI applicants. There is evidence that a payment of USD 2 000 to USD 4 000 to a private tutor who was also a professor at a leading HEI could help gain admission to the programme where he taught (Osipian, 2009).

The introduction of the EIT has reduced the comparative advantage of HEI lecturers as private tutors and opened the tutoring market to secondary school teachers (Borodchuk, 2011). The share of students, who in various surveys reported that secondary school teachers were providing them with private supplementary tutoring, increased from 34% in 2006 to 53% in 2011, and to almost 80% in 2016 (Borodchuk, 2011; Civic Network Opora, 2016).

Figure 5.2 provides a detailed breakdown of the private tutoring workforce, and shows that a sizeable share of tutoring by school teachers - 36% - is of a risky form, in which teachers are providing private tutoring to their own students (Civic Network Opora, 2016).

Figure 5.2. Who are the private tutors of school children (2016)?
picture

Note: Figures do not add up to 100 due to rounding.

Source: Civic Network Opora (2016), Опитування: Як ставляться до зовнішнього незалежного оцінювання його учасники? [Survey: What Do the EIT Participants Think about the EIT], www.oporaua.org/novyny/42752-opytuvannia-yak-stavliatsia-do-zovnishnoho-nezalezhnoho-otsiniuvannia-ioho-uchasnyky.

The extent to which teachers and their regular classes are exposed to integrity risk through private tutoring depends on the subject they teach. In 2015/16, some 46% of the students who attended private tutoring classes in world history did so with their classroom teachers, followed by those who had extra lessons in geography (33.2%) and those numerous ones who took classes in Ukrainian language and literature (29.4%) (Table 5.4).

Table 5.4. Private tutoring by classroom teachers and teachers from the same school, by subject tutored (2016)

Subject

Tutoring by student’s own classroom teacher (%)

Turoring by a different teacher from the same school (%)

World history

45.9

11.7

Geography

33.2

4.5

Ukrainian language and literature

29.4

7.8

History of Ukraine

26.6

9.4

Biology

26.1

6.9

Physics

25.4

5.3

Mathematics

23.5

8.8

Chemistry

22.7

20.6

English language

19.3

7.4

German language

0

0

Russian language

0

0

French language

0

0

Source: Civic Network Opora (2016), Опитування: Як ставляться до зовнішнього незалежного оцінювання його учасники? [Survey: What Do the EIT Participants Think about the EIT], www.oporaua.org/novyny/42752-opytuvannia-yak-stavliatsia-do-zovnishnoho-nezalezhnoho-otsiniuvannia-ioho-uchasnyky.

The recipients of private tutoring are not representative of Ukrainian students. Rather, research into the demand side of private tutoring in Ukraine reveals that students from more affluent backgrounds are more likely to obtain private tutoring than students from less well-off families (Borodchuk, 2011). This is consistent with findings from other countries, where students from richer households are more likely to attend tutoring classes than those who come from more modest backgrounds (Dang and Rogers, 2008; Borodchuk, 2011).

B. Factors that create opportunities for the violation

Absence of regulations against conflict-of-interest forms of private tutoring

Countries commonly introduce provisions that regulate external professional engagements of civil servants and public employees to ensure that conflicts of interest do not arise. If these rules were applied to teachers, they would prohibit them from teaching their own students after school for a fee (Bray, 2009). In Ukraine, however, private tutoring is an unregulated domain. There are no laws against it or in its favour, no differentiation between permissible or undesired types of tutoring, and no limitations to the conditions under which teachers can provide this service and to whom. The rights and obligations of school teachers do not prohibit them from providing paid tutoring services to students from their class.

This situation is part of a broader challenge with the scope of conflict-of-interest regulations in Ukraine, which exclude certain categories of employees in the public sector. Whether employed as civil servants, public officials or public employees (as is the case in Ukraine), teachers in public education are entrusted with “public duties on behalf of the State” (OECD, 2005) and are expected by the public to perform them without taking undue advantage of their position.

A recent report from the third round of monitoring of Ukraine under the Istanbul Anti-Corruption Action Plan, conducted in 2014 by the Anti-Corruption Network for Eastern Europe and Central Asia of the OECD, concluded that the definition and mechanism to resolve conflict of interest in Ukraine was greatly improved through adoption of the new legal framework for prevention of corruption (OECD, 2015). The report also acknowledged that an institutional mechanism for enforcement of conflict of interest rules was also put in place: according to the new Law on Prevention of Corruption (Article 11), the National Agency for Prevention of Corruption is responsible for monitoring and control over implementation of legislation on ethical behaviour, the prevention and settlement of conflicts of interest in the activities of persons authorised to perform the functions of the state or local self-government and persons equated to them.

Unfortunately, these positive legislative and institutional developments address potential conflict of interest issues only of persons holding administrative management positions in public educational establishments, and cannot be applied to other public employees, including regular teachers in Ukraine.

Box 5.1. Conflict of interest in the public domain: key international standards and recommendations

In discussions of conflict of interest and its prevention in the public sector, the OECD too applies the term “public official” generically to any kind of official who performs public functions.

Public officials have been entrusted with power to carry out actions and decisions in the public interest. But they are also human beings, with legitimate private interests. It is not only natural that public officials will happen to be in situations where their private interests conflict with the public interest. At the same time citizens have, rightly, expectations of impartiality of public officials and of those who carry out public functions and services. This underscores the importance of avoiding even situations in which there is an apparent conflict of interest.

Various international organisations, including the OECD, have been working on this issue and have agreed that a situation of conflict of interest is indeed a risk, and as such it must be adequately managed. The last 15 years have seen attempts by the Council of Europe, the United Nations and the OECD to define what constitutes conflict of interest and how it should be properly managed.

Article 8 of the Council of Europe Model Code of Conduct for Public Officials (Committee of Ministers Recommendation No. R (2000) 10) states that the public official should not allow his or her private interest to conflict with his or her public position, and that it is his or her responsibility to avoid such conflicts of interest, whether real, potential or apparent.

OECD Guidelines for Managing Conflict of Interest in the Public Service, approved by the OECD Council in 2003, defines a conflict of interest as a “conflict between the public duty and private interest of public officials, in which public officials have private-capacity interests which could improperly influence the performance of their official duties and responsibilities”. The Guidelines also define “an apparent conflict of interest”, which exists “where it appears that a public official’s private interests could improperly influence the performance of their duties but this is not in fact the case”, and “a potential conflict of interest”, which arises “where a public official has private interests which are such that a conflict of interest would arise if the official were to become involved in relevant (i.e. conflicting) official responsibilities in the future”.

The same standard has been also enshrined in Article 7 of the UN Convention Against Corruption, which requires that “Each State Party shall, in accordance with the fundamental principles of its domestic law, endeavour to adopt, maintain and strengthen systems that promote transparency and prevent conflicts of interest”.

Source: Council of Europe (2000), Recommendation No. R (2000) 10 of the Committee of Ministers to Member States on Codes of Conduct for Public Officials, www.coe.int/t/dghl/monitoring/greco/documents/Rec(2000)10_EN.pdf, OECD (2004), Managing Conflict of Interest in the Public Service: OECD Guidelines and Country Experiences, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264104938-en; United Nations (2004), United Nations Convention against Corruption, www.unodc.org/documents/brussels/UN_Convention_Against_Corruption.pdf.

C. Factors that create incentives for the violation

Parental mistrust in the adequacy of classroom teaching

Parents have no direct exposure to the teaching and learning process at school, and their main source of official feedback about the effectiveness of learning in class are the teachers – through the marks they give and through regular, collective meetings with parents (usually once a month). The absence of more differentiated and structured, formative feedback about student performance leaves room for teachers to control the messages to parents about the assessment results of their children and the underlying reasons of performance below expectations.

Private supplementary tutoring is motivated, in part, by parental doubts about the effectiveness of instruction provided during regular school hours. In a 2006 survey, some 60% of parents claimed that teachers did not provide enough knowledge to the students during regular class, making it necessary for them to pay for private tutoring (Hrynevych et al., 2006). Doubts about the quality of instruction continue. A 2015 survey indicated that 75% of parents considered the quality of education provided in public secondary schools to be of either low or medium quality (IED, 2015).

This parental attitude towards tutoring by school teachers was noted during the site visits for this review as well. Parents stated that the tutoring help of school teachers serves an enrichment purpose. They also said that it is needed to compensate for the limited effectiveness of learning in class – because of overpopulated classrooms, overburdened curriculum and the short attention span of their children.

Perceptions of testing and curriculum mismatch

Those who designed the EIT assessment believe it to be well-aligned to the school curriculum. However, parents and students with whom the review team met believe otherwise. They argued that the two are not well aligned, and that private tutoring is needed to prepare for the EIT. EIT takers in 2016 who received tutoring did not feel confident enough to take the test with their knowledge from school and without additional preparation in the form of private supplementary tutoring. Only a quarter of the approximately 750 graduates who took the EIT in 2016 with the help of a tutor and were surveyed on the day of their test felt confident that they would have managed successfully even without additional help. In the view of 45%, private tutoring was a must, and a further 30% were not certain how successful they would have been without tutoring (Civic Network Opora, 2016).

Professionals from several highly regarded HEIs and some teacher training institutes suggested to the review team there is a gap between the EIT and what is taught at school, but that it is not related to a mismatch in content. Rather, it stems from the format of the EIT, which is less familiar to students than other assessment formats. Indeed, it is the first (and last) time in the educational career of students when they experience an assessment in the format of a multiple-choice test, with consequences for their educational career.

That the one-off character of EIT-testing experience is a source of uncertainty was confirmed, in part, by the accounts of students noted during the site visits. Some suggested that much of the tutoring effort is invested in learning how to translate the broad knowledge in the school curriculum - from the diverse ways in which it was transmitted by teachers and in textbooks in the course of schooling - into the EIT “one-size-fits-all” multiple choice format.

Limited remedial assistance provided in school

Remedial teaching and other types of assistance that could reduce the need for private tutoring are absent from schools in Ukraine, or provided in inappropriate ways. Schools typically allocate one period per week per obligatory subject for remedial courses. In principle, students can come to ask questions about the lectures and obtain supplementary explanation of course materials. Parents noted that the question-and-answer format of these classes can intimidate children and make them reluctant to show their knowledge gaps, especially if the teacher-student communication is authoritarian or “dictatorial”. In special circumstances, typically when children have been sick, teachers can provide additional tuition of 20 to 30 minutes for extra help after the class. In case this is not enough, the usual practice is that the student is encouraged to seek private tutoring. Furthermore, the remedial classes are set in the school timetable but outside regular time when students may be too tired to attend and ask questions.

Financial incentives for teachers to undertake tutoring

When salaries are especially low, teachers often take on additional work – including private tutoring (UNESCO, 2015). In Ukraine, low teacher salaries can be an important source of incentives for education professionals to engage in additional income-generating activities, such as private supplementary tutoring. This is particularly true for teachers whose contracted workload is less than a full working week, who do not receive additional compensation for other (e.g. administrative) obligations in the school, and whose subject is in demand for private tutoring because it is part of the EIT.

To illustrate the strength of incentives for teachers to undertake private tutoring, Table 5.5 shows the potential monthly income of a mid-career teacher (professional category 1 or 15 years of experience) who teaches one standard workload, who receives only a statutory salary (without supplemental payments for extra work) and who tutors three students per month. It also compares teacher income to earnings of workers with a comparable level of qualifications. A category 1 statutory salary of UAH 2 334 without private tutoring is well below the average wage in the public sector, below the average household income and well below the income of tertiary education graduates employed in other sectors of the economy. Providing private tutoring to three students at the average rate of UAH 1 024, the monthly cost of tutoring reported by EIT participants in 2016 (Civic Network Opora, 2016), can boost teacher income to levels considerably closer to the average household income of professional, scientific and technical professions.

Table 5.5. Potential monthly income of mid-career teachers providing private tutoring

Description

UAH (current prices)

Theoretical monthly income of a mid-career teacher who tutors

5 946

Of which:

Statutory salary (mid-career, category 1)

2 334

Average cost of private tutoring per month (3 students x UAH 1 204 per month)

3 612

Average monthly income of workers with tertiary education

6 952

Of which:

Finance and insurance

9 858

Professional, scientific and technical professions

7 291

Civil service, including defence

5 134

Industry

5 524

Average household income in 2015

5 232

Note: Reference year for average monthly income of workers with tertiary education: January-June 2016. Reference year for average monthly cost of private tutoring: 2016; Reference year for salaries of teachers: 2016.

Source: Data on average monthly cost of private tutoring provided by survey respondents in 2016: Civic Network Opora (2016), Опитування: Як ставляться до зовнішнього незалежного оцінювання його учасники? [Survey: What Do the EIT Participants Think about the EIT], www.oporaua.org/novyny/42752-opytuvannia-yak-stavliatsia-do-zovnishnoho-nezalezhnoho-otsiniuvannia-ioho-uchasnyky); all other data: Decree of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 102 of 15 April 1993, with amendments; Decree of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 1298 of 30 August 2002; Decree of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 288 of 6 April 2016; SSSU (2016a), National Education Accounts of Ukraine, State Statistics Service of Ukraine, Kyiv); SSSU (2016b), Expenditure and Resources of Households in Ukraine: 4th Quarter of 2015, https://ukrstat.org/uk/druk/publicat/kat_u/2016/bl/05/bl_vrdu15_pdf.zip).

D. Policy options

It is neither feasible nor necessary to abolish private supplementary tutoring. However, there are several measures that could reduce its frequency, and reduce the likelihood that conflicts of interest arise from teachers providing private tutoring to their classroom students. The measures that could do so are well known and have been put forward in the past. In 2006 a study concluded that the Ukrainian government had “taken a laissez-faire approach” towards private supplementary tutoring and that although “private tutoring is here to stay in Ukraine”, “given the multitude of adverse effects of private tutoring in the Ukrainian context, it is no longer possible to ignore the tutoring phenomenon” and it urged instead a more proactive approach (Hrynevych et al., 2006). Specifically, the study recommended a mixed approach combining awareness raising, external testing, increased teacher salaries, improved quality of teaching in school, additional time in school for exam preparation, and support for the establishment of regulated institutions specialised in private tutoring (Hrynevych et al., 2006). One decade later these remain sound policy options.

Tackling the conflict-of-interest type of private tutoring discussed in this chapter would require a targeted approach. In other countries where it has been (and still is) an issue, it is addressed in two complementary ways: through regulating provision (including increasing transparency) and by decreasing demand.

Closing the opportunities for malpractice

Prohibit private supplementary tutoring by teachers to their own students

Conflict-of-interest regulations should be expanded to include all education professionals – including teachers. This could be done by expanding the applicability of provisions in the Law on Prevention of Corruption to public employees in education, in particular teachers, or by embedding conflict-of-interest provisions in the future revisions of the Law on Education and the Law on General Secondary Education, and reiterating them in the planned Education Worker’s Code of Ethics.

Effectively managing conflict of interest requires establishing the right balance. A too-strict approach to controlling private interests may conflict with other rights, be unworkable or deter experienced and competent potential candidates from entering the public service. Regarding teachers and private tutoring, it would be advisable to follow the OECD’s overall approach to the prevention of potential conflicts of interests, This is done by: (1) identifying risks that can create conflicts of interest; (2) reaching out to professionals at risk and other stakeholders to raise awareness about the circumstances in which conflicts can arise; (3) prohibiting the exercise of activities and entertainment of relationships that could be seen as interfering with the fulfilment of the professional obligations of teachers; and (4) ensuring effective procedures to resolve conflict of interest situations.

Studies show that a differentiated approach to regulating private tutoring achieves better results than a total ban, which is neither necessary nor feasible (Dang and Rogers, 2008). Instead, the review recommends a public examination of how to regulate tutoring and which forms should be defined as illegal, and advises that one prohibited form be the conflict-of-interest type of tutoring. Analysis of legal frameworks focusing on private tutoring in six countries in Europe and Asia holds some policy options that may be helpful for the authorities in Ukraine. For example, Lithuania has integrated a regulation on private supplementary tutoring in its primary legislation, in the 2003 Law on Education which:

  • provides a comprehensive definition of a private tutor (described as a ‘freelance teacher’)

  • sets detailed registration procedures

  • determines the obligations for private tutors, including observation of teacher ethics, learners’ safety, and an appropriate location for tutoring

  • allows for some teachers to tutor in mainstream schools, but forbids teachers to tutor their own students (Bray, 2009).

Box 5.2. Options for regulating private supplementary tutoring

Different types of regulations are necessary for different types of actors in the tutoring industry. Among those actors are teachers in regular schools who also provide, or wish to provide, supplementary tutoring. Based on an overview of approaches to regulating the role of teachers in private supplementary tutoring in a number of countries with a tradition of private supplementary tutoring, Bray and Kwo distinguish between four basic scenarios with reference to provision of tutoring by teachers who are already employed in schools:

Prohibition. Teachers may be prohibited from providing private tutoring to their own students, other students in their schools and/or students from other schools. Examples of countries that have opted for this scenario are Korea and Japan.

Discouragement. Practices may be governed by codes of ethics rather than by regulations, with strong signals that teachers should not undertake private tutoring (e.g. Georgia, People’s Republic of China (hereafter China)).

Permission if approved. Permission may be granted at the school level or by the wider education authorities, on a range of conditions (e.g. Singapore).

Laissez faire. The school and education authorities do not have policies on the matter, leaving decisions to the teachers themselves and to their clients (e.g. Hong Kong, China, Macau, China, the Philippines and Thailand).

Source: Bray, M. and O. Kwo (2014), “Regulating private tutoring for public good: Policy options for supplementary education in Asia”, CERC Monograph Series in Comparative and International Education and Development, No. 9, Comparative Education Research Centre, Hong Kong.

Regulating tutoring in this way is not a “quick fix” and will require the definition of administrative consequences for non-compliance, e.g. professional downgrading, fines or dismissal, as well as persistence in developing a culture of compliance, and capacity for its monitoring and enforcement by schools and education authorities. It will also be important to combine these measures with efforts to reducing incentives of all sides involved for engaging in private supplementary tutoring, as discussed in the next section. Specifically, the review team recommended that a code of ethics or primary education legislation include:

  • a comprehensive definition of a private tutor

  • the development of a simple, web-based registration process for private tutors

  • requirements concerning the obligations for private tutors, including observation of teacher ethics, learners’ safety, and an appropriate location for tutoring

  • provisions that forbid teachers from tutoring their own students, while authorising them to tutor students attending other schools, students they previously taught, and others for whom no conflict of interest exists

  • a process that permits local education authorities to be notified of non-compliance and penalties associated with non-compliance (e.g. loss of supplementary activities or rank).

In addition to this, public awareness measures should be introduced to communicate about the new rules on private supplementary tutoring to teachers’ own students, to inform all stakeholders who can be impacted by new rules.

Eliminating the incentives for malpractice

Strengthen confidence in the ability of students to take the EIT through regular schooling

Demand for private tutoring in Ukraine is stimulated by the conviction of parents and students that the EIT cannot be mastered without supplementary preparation. Similar views are common in other education systems with a strong tradition of out-of-school preparation for external tests, in particular in Asia (Bray and Lykins, 2012). Without underestimating the complexity and requirements of the EIT, the review team advises taking steps to strengthen family confidence in the ability of students to master the test through regular schooling.

First, steps should be taken to address the perceptions of mismatch between the EIT and the school curriculum. Parents and students expressed to the review team that what is taught and required at school is not closely aligned to the EIT. This view was not shared by EIT developers. However, these parental perceptions matter, since they underpin demand for additional tutoring.

To that end, the Centre for Education Quality Assessment (CEQA) should ensure that regular and publicly observable efforts are in place to safeguard the alignment of the EIT with the content of schooling, and communicate the results of these efforts to the public. This will help counter the perception of gaps that call for “mending” through private tutoring. This recommendation is particularly important in the light of school reforms in Ukraine started after the Euromaidan Revolution of 2014, which might lead to changes in the curriculum.

Second, teachers should be encouraged to use elements of multiple-choice testing in their regular classroom assessments throughout all years of schooling. This will require careful planning and long-term supporting measures, such as the creation by the CEQA of a publicly accessible database of testing items for teachers to draw from, training of teachers in the EIT-like assessment techniques, and the use of results for formative purposes. In the long run, these measures will help students to familiarise themselves with the format of tests such as the EIT in the course of their regular schooling without forcing them to “learn for the test”.

Finally, school principals and teachers should strongly encourage students to take advantage of publicly-provided opportunities to prepare for the EIT. These include web-based practice versions of the EIT test, and a trial EIT offered by the CEQA. This will help students to familiarise themselves with multiple choice-based test formats early on, and develop and test their skills.

Focus on the working conditions of teachers and evaluate the need for change in their compensation

The review team acknowledges the potential of higher wages to reduce incentives for malpractice, including those for private tutoring that leads to conflict of interest, but it also suggests the MoES exercise caution before deciding on across-the-board salary increases. Without a proper evaluation of the working conditions of teachers and determining their actual level of income, higher salaries could become a costly and unsustainable solution with little effect on tutoring practices.

References

Borodchuk, N. (2011), “Shadow education: Quantitative and qualitative analysis of the impact of the educational reform on private tutoring in Ukraine”, Working Paper Series, London School of Economics and Political Science, London.

Bray, M. (2009), Confronting the Shadow Education System: What Government Policies for What Private Tutoring?, IIEP-UNESCO, Paris.

Bray, M. (2007), The Shadow Education System: Private Tutoring and Its Implications for Planners, IIEP-UNESCO, Paris.

Bray, M. and O. Kwo (2014), “Regulating private tutoring for public good: Policy options for supplementary education in Asia”, CERC Monograph Series in Comparative and International Education and Development, No. 9, Comparative Education Research Centre, Hong Kong.

Bray, M. and C. Lykins (2012), “Shadow education: Private tutoring and its implications for policy makers in Asia”, CERC Monograph Series in Comparative and International Education and Development, No. 10, Comparative Education Research Centre, Hong Kong.

CEDOS (2015), Бюджет Освіти Та Науки 2015: Що Прийняли Депутати [The Budget for Education and Science in 2015: What Did Members of Parliament Adopt], www.cedos.org.ua/uk/osvita/biudzhet-osvity-ta-nauky-2015-shcho-pryinialy-deputaty.

Civic Network Opora (2016), Опитування: Як ставляться до зовнішнього незалежного оцінювання його учасники? [Survey: What Do the EIT Participants Think about the EIT], www.oporaua.org/novyny/42752-opytuvannia-yak-stavliatsia-do-zovnishnoho-nezalezhnoho-otsiniuvannia-ioho-uchasnyky.

Council of Europe (2000), Recommendation No. R (2000) 10 of the Committee of Ministers to Member States on Codes of Conduct for Public Officials, Council of Europe, www.coe.int/t/dghl/monitoring/greco/documents/Rec(2000)10_EN.pdf.

Dang, H. and H. Rogers (2008), “The growing phenomenon of private tutoring: Does it deepen human capital, widen inequalities, or waste resources?”, The World Bank Research Observer, Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 161-200.

Długosz, P. (2016), “Private lessons as an instrument for middle class status struggle in post-socialist societies: Poland and Ukraine case studies”, Economics and Sociology, Vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 173-191, www.economics-sociology.eu/files/16_228_Dlugosz.pdf.

ESP (2006), Education in a Hidden Marketplace: Monitoring of Private Tutoring, Education Support Programme of the Open Society Institute, Budapest.

Hrynevych, L. et al. (2006), “Country report: Ukraine”, in Education in a Hidden Marketplace: Monitoring of Private Tutoring, Education Support Programme of the Open Society Institute, Budapest, pp. 305-325.

IED (2015), Середня освіта в Україні: думка вчителів та батьків [Secondary Education in Ukraine: Attitudes of Teachers and Parents], Institute for Education Development, Kyiv, http://iro.org.ua/ua/main/research/23.

Milovanovitch, M. et al. (2015), Strengthening Integrity and Fighting Corruption in Education in Armenia, Open Society Foundations, Yerevan, www.osf.am/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/Integrity-report_final_en_12.11.2015.pdf.

MoES (2016), Нова українська школа: концептуальні засади [New Ukrainian School: Conceptual Foundations], http://mon.gov.ua/%D0%9D%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%B8%D0%BD%D0%B8%202016/12/05/konczepcziya.pdf.

OECD (2016), Education in Colombia, OECD Publishing, Paris, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264250604-en.

OECD (2015), Consequences of Corruption at the Sector Level and Implications for Economic Growth and Development, OECD Publishing, Paris, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264230781-en.

OECD (2014), Lessons from PISA for Korea, OECD Publishing, Paris, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264190672-en.

OECD (2013), Synergies for Better Learning: An International Perspective on Evaluation and Assessment, OECD Publishing, Paris, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264190658-en.

OECD (2005), Teachers Matter: Attracting, Developing and Retaining Effective Teachers, OECD Publishing, Paris, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264018044-en.

OECD (2004), Managing Conflict of Interest in the Public Service: OECD Guidelines and Country Experiences, OECD Publishing, Paris, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264104938-en.

Osipian, A. (2009), “Corruption and reform in higher education in Ukraine”, Canadian and International Education, Vol. 38, No. 2, pp. 104-122, http://ir.lib.uwo.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1016&context=cie-eci.

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SSSU (2016b), Expenditure and Resources of Households in Ukraine: 4th Quarter of 2015, State Statistical Service, Kyiv, https://ukrstat.org/uk/druk/publicat/kat_u/2016/bl/05/bl_vrdu15_pdf.zip.

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ANNEX 5.A1. References of legal sources
  1. Article 26 of the Law of Ukraine on General Secondary Education No. 28 (651-XIV) of 1999.

  2. Article 56 of the Law of Ukraine on Education No. 34 (1060-XII) of 1991.

  3. Articles 139, 140 and 145 of the Labour Code of Ukraine No. 322-VIII of 10 December 1971, with amendments.

  4. Articles 50 and 51 of the Labour Code of Ukraine No. 322-VIII of 10 December 1971, with amendments.

References cited as sources of tables:

Table 5.1:

Law of Ukraine on Education No. 34 (1060-XII) of 1991.

Law of Ukraine on General Secondary Education No. 28 (651-XIV) of 1999.

Decree of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 1095 of 25 August 2004.

Order of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine No. 1547 of 30 December 2014, registered in the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine on 14 February 2015 as No. 157/26602, Kyiv, Ukraine.

Table 5.2:

Order of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine No. 94 of 2016, http://osvita.ua/legislation/Ser_osv/50034/.

Table 5.5:

Decree of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 102 of 15 April 1993, with amendments.

Decree of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 1298 of 30 August 2002.

Decree of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 288 of 6 April 2016.