Issue Note 2: Corporate sector vulnerabilities during the COVID-19 outbreak: Assessment and policy responses

This note investigates the financial vulnerability of non-financial firms associated with the confinement measures introduced in most economies to tackle the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on empirical simulations, it evaluates the extent to which firms may run into a liquidity crisis and discusses the immediate steps that governments can take to reduce the risks and depth of such crisis, ensuring that it does not turn into a solvency crisis.

The health crisis caused by the COVID-19 outbreak has led public authorities to take unprecedented measures to contain the propagation of the virus. Administrative business shutdowns, quarantines and restrictions on mobility and social contact have brought large parts of economies almost to a standstill (OECD, 2020a). Sales across many sectors have plummeted. Nevertheless, financial commitments with respect to suppliers, employees, lenders and investors remain, depleting liquidity buffers of firms. The sharp reversals in earnings expectations for companies has significantly weakened their projected interest coverage and profitability ratios (OECD, 2020b). The large number of firms that are simultaneously affected constitutes a major challenge. Producers of intermediate goods or services have also experienced a drop in sales even if confinement measures do not require them to shut down. Since many firms along supply chains face liquidity shortfalls, trade credit losses may increase, further adding to cash-flow pressures.

The liquidity crisis may turn into a global corporate solvency crisis. With much less or no incoming revenues for an extended period of time and fewer options to deal with this shortfall, the long-term viability of firms is impaired, and firm voluntary closure and bankruptcies may follow. Human and organisational capital would be eroded and may vanish with defaults of firms that prior to the virus outbreak were profitable and with healthy balance sheets. Global value chains will be disrupted if highly integrated firms have to exit the market. High uncertainty about the future course of the economy will reduce corporate investment and consumption demand. As a result, a corporate solvency crisis could have serious long-term negative effects on economies by dragging down employment, productivity, growth and well-being.

The risk of a financial crisis is high. In the absence of a robust policy response, corporate defaults of a significant number of firms would undermine balance sheets of banks and institutional investors. This could close markets for debt and equity financing, and might feed a self-reinforcing downside spiral in the corporate sector, in turn significantly increasing the likelihood of a crisis. Moreover, bankruptcies across a wide set of firms combined with bailouts by governments of systemic firms might decrease competition, with consequences for future productivity growth.

Awareness of these risks has lead governments to adopt a range of emergency measures aimed at supporting firms’ liquidity. Aside from monetary measures taken by central banks, fiscal interventions include direct and indirect financing of the wage bill (including by extending the coverage and increasing the unemployment benefit replacement rate, short-term work schemes and temporary unemployment benefits), tax deferrals, debt moratoria and extension of state loan guarantees.

This note evaluates the risk of a widespread liquidity crisis using a cross-sector sample of almost one million European firms and discusses the pros and cons of different kinds of public support measures. The analysis covers all manufacturing and non-financial services sectors.1 The note focuses on the first-round effects of the containment measures induced by the crisis, abstracting from the potential cascading effects via supply chains, financial interconnections between firms and financial distress in the banking system – other than those implicitly assumed in the size of the sectoral shocks – as well as from the structural adjustments that will be needed in a second phase of the response to the crisis.2

Based on illustrative assumptions regarding the evolution of sales and elasticities of costs to sales, the note sheds light on the risk of corporate insolvency.3 Comparing the percentage of firms that would turn illiquid under a no-policy change scenario and under policy intervention, the results emphasise the key role of policies to avoid massive unnecessary bankruptcies. The main findings of the analysis are summarised in Box 2.1.

Measures on social distancing and mobility restrictions dramatically affect services involving direct contact between customers and providers, activities gathering people in public and private places, and travelling, as well as non-essential manufacturing and construction activities involving close physical contact among workers. Activities that can be undertaken remotely or automatised are relatively less affected — to the extent that the supply chain is not broken and consumer demand can be maintained, at least in part. It follows that the decline in activity is assumed to be different across sectors but identical across countries.

Consistent with OECD (2020a) and Chapter 2, Issue Note 1, the following declines in revenues are assigned to a set of severely hit sectors: 100% in manufacturing of transport equipment (ISIC V29-30), real estate services (VL), arts, entertainment and recreation (VR) and other service activities (VS); 75% in wholesale and retail trade (VG), air transport (V51), and accommodation and food services (VI); and 50% in construction (VF) and professional service activities (VM).4 For the remaining non-financial sectors a conservative 15% revenue shock is assumed, while providing sensitivity analyses assuming a larger decline (e.g., a 30% shock).

Three alternative scenarios are considered with respect to the duration of the shock.

  • A “prolonged confinement” scenario, which projects the evolution of firms’ liquidity positions month by month since the start of the confinement, hence being agnostic on its length and avoiding modelling the recovery.

  • A “single-hit” scenario, which foresees a sharp drop in activity lasting two months, followed by a four-month progressive recovery and a return to pre-crisis activity levels from the seventh month after the start of the pandemic.

  • A “double-hit” scenario, which overlaps with the “single-hit” scenario for the first seven months but then models a second outbreak from the eight month onwards.

The “single-hit” and “double-hit” scenarios have the advantage of being closer to the predicted evolution of the pandemic and consequent confinement over time. However, the stylised “prolonged confinement” scenario provides a neat overview of firms’ resilience in a simpler way, relying on a smaller set of assumptions on the path of the recovery and, therefore, it is used as the baseline throughout the note.

A stylised accounting exercise allows to calculate the share of firms that become illiquid month by month following the introduction of confinement measures for each scenario. The economic shock from measures of social distancing is modelled as a change in firms’ operating cash-flow, resulting from the decline in sales and from firms’ limited ability to fully adjust their operating expenses. Next, the liquidity available to each firm is calculated as the sum of the liquidity buffer held at the beginning of each month and the shock-adjusted cash-flow (Box 2.2).

The main results (Figure 2.10, Panel A) suggest that, in the absence of government intervention, 20% of firms in the sample would run out of liquidity after one month, 30% after two months, and around 35-38% (depending on the scenario considered) after three months. If the confinement lasted seven months, more than 50% of firms would face a liquidity shortfall in the “prolonged confinement” scenario. By contrast, assuming that economic activity progressively resumes after two months of confinement, as in the “single-hit” and “double-hit” scenarios, the percentage of firms facing liquidity shortfalls would reach 40% after seven months. This share would increase to 45% after 10 months in the case of a second confinement wave (“double-hit” scenario).5 The percentage of firms running out of liquidity is significantly higher when focusing on the most severely hit sectors (Figure 2.10, Panel B). For instance, in these sectors the percentage of illiquid firms would rise up to 70% (50%) in the “prolonged confinement” (“single-hit” or “double-hit”) scenario after seven months.

It is important to stress again that these estimates are likely a lower bound given the sample bias towards healthier firms and the conservative assumptions made on elasticities. At the same time, to reflect the decision of most governments to provide general support to firms in the first stage of the crisis, the simulations include also firms that would have faced liquidity shortfalls even in the absence of the COVID-19 pandemic. After one month, the percentage of such firms ranges between 1.5% and 6.5%, depending on cash-flow in normal times. Thus, even when considering the 6.5% upper bound estimate, the COVID-19 crisis would imply a threefold increase in the share of firms experiencing liquidity shortages after one month.

Overall, the findings suggest that, due to the COVID-19 crisis, a large amount of otherwise profitable firms would run into a liquidity shortfall that may trigger bankruptcy. This shock could therefore have large and permanent adverse effects.

Firms may run into a liquidity shortfall if their assets are not liquid enough to cover current expenses. However, they may still be solvent if the value of their assets is larger than the value of their liabilities or, equivalently, if they have collateral to pledge in order to obtain additional bank financing (Figure 2.11, Panel A).6 Only a relatively small percentage of firms (around 10%) among those expected to face liquidity shortfalls would be close to insolvency when evaluating their overall net worth. At the same time, even though solvent, they might have difficulties in accessing new bank financing: around 28% of firms turning illiquid during the confinement would lack the collateral to tap into additional debt financing. Moreover, a decrease in asset valuations during the confinement would reduce the value of firms’ potential collateral, further impairing their ability to obtain funding. Similarly, and despite its development over the last two decades, market-based financing from non-banks might also be affected, as the price of traded debt rises in periods of acute market stress, and so does the business’ cost of financing (OECD, 2020c). Finally, highly leveraged firms tend to have a higher probability of facing liquidity shortages. Combined with the high uncertainty about sales and other incoming cash-flows in the near future, this makes obtaining new loans more difficult (Figure 2.11, Panel B).

While these figures are based on several assumptions and must be interpreted with caution, they underline the merit of swift and decisive public intervention to safeguard companies and avoid potential bankruptcies of otherwise healthy companies. Such intervention is crucial to prevent the temporary shock implied by the COVID-19 crisis from permanently scarring the corporate sector, with serious consequences for the shape of the recovery and long-run growth prospects.

Countries have already introduced a wide range of measures to help firms deal with the disruptions associated with COVID-19 (Box 2.3). The simple accounting model described above is used to illustrate the expected impact of stylised policy interventions in three areas:

  • Deferral of tax. To support businesses during the pandemic, several countries have introduced tax deferrals. The tax deferral is modelled as a moratorium of (hypothetical) monthly tax payments.

  • Financial support for debt repayment. A large number of countries have also established legislative frameworks that temporarily allow firms to postpone their debt payments or alternatively offer state guarantees to facilitate access to short-term debt facilities. The potential impact of such policies is modelled as a moratorium on short-term debt.

  • Temporary support to wage payments. A critical response to avoid widespread liquidity shortfalls consists of relaxing firms’ financial commitments vis-à-vis their employees. Schemes such as a shortening of working time, wage subsidies, temporary lay-offs and sick leave have been introduced across countries, though in different combinations. All these measures reduce the wage bill firms have to pay. They are modelled in two alternative ways: as an unconditional reduction of the wage bill by 80% in all sectors;7 and as a support adjusted to the sectoral size of the shock and modelled through an increase to 0.8 of the elasticity of wage bill to sales.8

Figures 2.12 and 2.13 illustrate the extent to which each measure curbs the risk of a liquidity crisis compared to the no-policy intervention scenario. In particular, Figure 2.12 looks at the two alternative temporary supports to wage payments under the prolonged confinement scenario. Figure 2.13 further distinguishes between the “single-hit” and “double-hit” scenarios when assuming an unconditional reduction of the wage bill by 80% in all sectors. Tax deferral has the lowest impact on firms’ liquidity positions, followed by debt moratorium policies. Subsidies to the wage bill seem to be the most powerful measure (yet potentially costly), in line with the fact that wages and salaries are often a relevant component of operating expenses. Adding up the three different measures, public intervention after two months, for instance, would decrease the number of firms running out of liquidity from 30% to 10%.

These findings emphasise the need for massive public intervention, with support to wage payments emerging as the most critical among the wide range of measures aimed at alleviating liquidity crises, but there are several challenges related to the design of these measures that will need to be addressed in the future. In particular:

  • Country-specific dimensions. Country-specific institutional settings may shape the extent and the efficiency of the policy response. Given the importance of labour market policies highlighted in the note, it is likely that countries with already well-developed labour market support schemes are able to provide a quick response with less distortive effects.

  • Conditionality. Certain countries condition loan forbearance and wage subsidies on the actual reduction in payrolls, with the requirement that support is used to cover fixed costs only or to rehire fired employees after the crisis. The design of transfers and subsidised loans to corporations should ensure that firms preserve jobs when possible and do not divert resources toward exclusively private interests (e.g., to boost CEO compensation or dividend payments).

  • Short-term versus medium-term policy answers. In many cases, given the need for an urgent policy response during the so-called “phase one” of the crisis, policy has not been particularly targeted in the short term. Going forward, short-term, general policies might need to be refined and better targeted to ensure that public support does not contribute to resource misallocation, for instance by propping up unviable firms. Moreover, policies will also need to be refined to deal with the heterogeneous impact of the shock as firms will not be in the same position to face the crisis for reasons other than liquidity when the activity will slightly recover in the medium term.

  • New normal. The extent to which the COVID-19 crisis will disrupt economies is still uncertain. As the demand for some sectors might decline for a long period, policy design should find a balance between preserving pre-crisis job matches and allowing new matches via job reallocation. Similarly, deferring tax and debt payments will lead to a surge of corporate debt from an already record high level. Therefore, finding a balance between debt forbearance and bankruptcy procedures will be a critical challenge during the recovery.

References

De Vito, A. and J.P. Gomez, (2020), “Estimating the COVID-19 Cash Crunch: Global Evidence and Policy”, Journal of Accounting and Public Policy, forthcoming.

OECD (2020a), “Evaluating the Initial Impact of COVID-19 Containment Measures on Economic Activity”, Tackling Coronavirus Series, OECD Publishing, Paris.

OECD (2020b), “Initial Impact of COVID-19 Pandemic on the Non-Financial Corporate Sector and Corporate Finance”, forthcoming.

OECD (2020c), “Global Financial Markets Policy Responses to COVID-19”, Tackling Coronavirus Series, OECD Publishing, Paris.

OECD (2020d), “SME Policy Responses”, Tackling Coronavirus Series, OECD Publishing, Paris.

OECD (2020e), “Italian Regional SME Policy Responses”, Tackling Coronavirus Series, OECD Publishing, Paris.

Schivardi, F. and G. Romano (2020), “A Simple Method to Compute Liquidity Shortfalls During the COVID-19 Crisis with an Application to Italy”, mimeo.

Notes

← 1. More specifically, it covers all economic sectors except the followings (Nace Rev.2 classification): agriculture (VA), mining (VB), financial (VK), public administration (VO), education (VP), human health (VQ) and activities of households and organizations (VT and VU).

← 2. A more detailed version of this note is available in the OECD-COVID hub.

← 3. The methodology is similar to the one used by Schivardi and Romano (2020) for the case of Italy, and is based on a number of assumptions detailed in the remainder of the note. It is also close in spirit to De Vito and Gomez (2020).

← 4. The assumptions on the decline in revenues in the hardest hit sectors are based on qualitative information from the OECD Policy Tracker.

← 5. The Annex reports this additional set of results: assuming a decline in output of 30% (rather than 15%) in the other manufacturing and non-financial sectors (Figure 2.A.1, Panel A); and for five countries among those with the best coverage in Orbis® (France, Italy, Portugal, Spain and Sweden) (Figure 2.A.1, Panel B).

← 6. Collateral is proxied by the difference between fixed assets and non-current liabilities.

← 7. According to the OECD COVID-19 policy tracker the amount of labour subsidy varies across countries between 60% to 100% with gross wage, with a great majority of countries providing a support ranging from 70% to 90%. This is the case for instance in Canada, Denmark, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and Japan.

← 8. Indeed, in some countries the support is targeted only to firms experiencing a sizeable shock in their activity. The elasticity implies that the support is ranging from 40% to 80% depending on the size of the sectoral shock.

Metadata, Legal and Rights

This document, as well as any data and map included herein, are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory, to the delimitation of international frontiers and boundaries and to the name of any territory, city or area. Extracts from publications may be subject to additional disclaimers, which are set out in the complete version of the publication, available at the link provided.

© OECD 2020

The use of this work, whether digital or print, is governed by the Terms and Conditions to be found at http://www.oecd.org/termsandconditions.