4. Community relations in the first year of COVID-19

Limited social contact during the pandemic has left many feeling lonely…

Feelings of loneliness have been compounded over the first year of the pandemic. Between April and the beginning of June 2020, 1 in 7 respondents in European OECD countries, the majority of which implemented the first wave of lockdowns in that period, stated they felt lonely most or all of the time in the past two weeks – this share rose to almost 1 in 5 people by early 2021 (Figure 4.1, Panel A). When asked the same question in 2016, only 5.5% of respondents – less than one-third of the 2021 level –felt lonely (Eurofound, 2018[1]).1 Countries with official data confirm this pattern: In Germany, different measures of social isolation between April-June 2020 at least doubled compared to 2017, and further intensified by January-February 2021 (Figure 4.2). And while there is no comparable pre-COVID data available in Great Britain, feelings of loneliness increased there too over the course of the first year of the pandemic: in the period October 2020-February 2021, 7.2% of the adult population said they often or always felt lonely, compared to 5% in April-May 2020 (ONS, 2021[2]) (Box 4.1).

Official regulations limiting social contact are directly linked to loneliness, but feelings of loneliness have remained elevated even when restrictions were eased for a time. In European OECD countries, loneliness temporarily declined in June-July 2020, alongside the strictness of government containment measures as governments moved out of lockdown over the summer (Figure 4.1, Panel B). Loneliness levels nevertheless remained more than double compared to double compared to 2016. In New Zealand, 3.8% of the population said they felt lonely most or all of the time after the first lockdown in June 2020, a similar level as in 2018 (StatsNZ, 2020[5]) (Box 4.1). However, 1 in 5 people continued to feel lonely at least some of the time in the past month (in 2018, 1 in 6 felt this way), and this remained stable through to the March 2021 quarter (StatsNZ, n.d.[6]; StatsNZ, 2020[5]; Stats NZ, 2021[7]) (Box 4.1).2 Indeed, although official restrictions on contact were lifted, people continued to limit their interactions with others, teleworked, and were prevented from seeing family members living abroad due to travel restrictions. For instance, 45.7% of employed people in European OECD countries were working from home in June-July 2020, and between April and September more than half of respondents from 16 OECD countries said they were always or frequently avoiding small social gatherings (Eurofound, 2020[8]; Imperial College London YouGov, 2020[9]) (Box 4.2).3

…but COVID-19 might have also led to a re-evaluation of existing support networks

Despite the rise in loneliness, a large majority of people in 2020 said they have someone they can count on in an emergency. Across OECD countries, the share of respondents stating that they have no friends and family to count on in times of need in 2020 remained stable at 8.5% compared to the previous year (Figure 4.3). Only a handful of countries have experienced changes in perceived social support in 2020 compared to 2019 that would be considered meaningful (i.e.at least 3 percentage points), with more people feeling a lack of social support during COVID-19 in Austria, Colombia, Costa Rica, Greece and Mexico, and with social support improving in Italy, Korea, Poland and Turkey.4 Additional evidence suggests that, during the pandemic, people reached out more to their existing friends and family, and that vulnerable people may have received more support during lockdowns than they would have otherwise: a quarter of people across the OECD stated in September 2020 that they had provided assistance, such as running an errand or providing childcare for friends, neighbours or co-workers without expecting anything in return (Imperial College London YouGov, 2020[9]) (Box 4.2).

Many workers have felt progressively more exhausted

Working conditions in 2020 (including telework combined with school closures and contact restrictions for those at a work location outside the home) have worn many people out. Between April and the beginning of June 2020, 22% of workers in European OECD countries said they always or most of the time felt too tired after work to do some necessary household chores in the previous two weeks. This share rose to 28% in the 2020 European summer and increased further, to 29.5%, by early 2021 (Figure 4.4) (Eurofound, n.d.[3]). In comparison, when asked a differently worded question in 2016, only 20% of respondents in these countries reported experiencing work-life balance challenges, including feeling tired several times a week over the past month (Eurofound, 2018[1]).5 On the other hand, by February-March 2021 fewer workers in European OECD countries reported having to work during their free time at least every other day (15.2%) compared to the level recorded at the onset of the pandemic in April-June a year earlier (17.8%), and slightly fewer regularly worried about work when not working (23.8% compared to 26.5%) (Eurofound, n.d.[3]). Overall, people working exclusively from home were less tired at the end of the day than those working at their employers’ offices or other locations, and could spend more time with their family. However, they were also more likely to worry about their jobs and continue working after hours (see Chapters 5 and 7). Regardless experiences, preferences for teleworking are high: more than 1 in 3 employed people in European countries (44%) interviewed between June 2020 and March 2021 would like to work from home at least several times a week after COVID-19 subsides (Eurofound, n.d.[3]) (see Chapter 2 and 7).

Household and care tasks have multiplied during lockdowns

Whenever more people were at home due to pandemic-related measures including school and day-care closures, as well as interruptions in domestic help services, household and care tasks increased. For instance, between mid-June and early July 2020, one in six Australians (16%) spent more time on unpaid domestic activities compared to before COVID-19 restrictions, and one in three (36%) of those with unpaid caring responsibilities increased their time spent caring for others (ABS, 2020[15]). Similarly, evidence from UN Women Rapid Gender Assessment Surveys conducted in April 2020 in Chile, Mexico and Turkey suggests that both women and men reported an increase in time spent on both unpaid domestic work and care work since COVID-19 began (with stronger rises for women, who have continued to bear the main burden of such work during the pandemic) (see Chapter 7). Evidence from Germany shows that, a year into the pandemic, people were satisfied with how they spent their time in some ways but not in others. While fewer people reported being dissatisfied with the time they spent sleeping in early 2021 (compared to 2019), the share of those dissatisfied with family time nearly doubled, and it more than doubled regarding leisure time (Figure 4.5).

Not all lifestyle changes are likely to be permanent

Evidence from the United Kingdom also suggests that, apart from working from home, many behaviours have returned to pre-pandemic levels by the third quarter of 2020. Time-use data from Great Britain capture the first national lockdown in March-April 2020 as well as further (comparatively less strict) restrictions six months later. They highlight substantial lifestyle changes during the first lockdown: compared to 2014-15, people spent less time on travel, work outside the home and personal care, and more time on unpaid childcare, gardening and “do it yourself” (DIY) activities, working from home, entertainment and sleep. However, most habits returned to pre-pandemic levels by September-October 2020, as people resumed spending more time with family and friends, increased their overall working time and most likely had finished the longstanding gardening and DIY chores performed in early 2020 (ONS, 2021[16])(Figure 4.6).6 Indeed, working from home is the only activity category that had not moved back to pre-pandemic levels by September 2020.

Road fatalities as well as burglaries, pickpocketing and theft dropped in 2020…

With lower mobility, the number of road fatalities fell during the first months of 2020. Preliminary data show that road deaths in April 2020 decreased by almost 30% year-on-year, while traffic contracted by almost 50% in OECD countries with available data (Figure 4.7, Panel A). Only two countries – the Netherlands and Sweden – did not have severe mobility restrictions in place during the first lockdown. However, some countries, among them Chile, the Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Greece, Spain and Poland, registered increases in average speed and in the severity of road crashes, possibly due to less traffic intensity during usual rush hours (International Transport Forum, 2020[17]). There is evidence, however, that road fatalities, while below their 2019 levels, started to rise again from the second quarter of 2020 onward (Figure 4.7, Panel B).

Data from a limited number of OECD countries suggest that domestic burglaries, pickpocketing and thefts in 2020 have fallen overall. Most countries will not publish comparable crime statistics until after the publication of this report, making it difficult to get an overall picture of the impact of the pandemic on various crimes. However, evidence suggests that, with fewer people on the streets, criminal activities typically carried out in groups, outdoor crowds as well as in otherwise empty homes have declined. In the Netherlands, the total number of crimes registered by police in 2020 was down by 2% on the previous year, with pickpocketing (-47%), domestic burglary (-23%), shoplifting (-13%) and street robbery (-7.6%) dropping sharply (Figure 4.8) (CBS, 2021[19]). Similarly, New Zealand police recorded 14.6% fewer burglaries and 10.1% fewer theft victimisations in 2020 compared to 2019 (New Zealand Police, 2021[20]). In Germany, domestic burglaries in 2020 declined 13.9% year-on-year (BKA, 2021[21]). In the United States, the FBI’s 2020 annual report Crime in the United States shows a 7.8% decline in property crimes and a 9.3% decline in robbery offenses compared to 2019 (FBI, 2021[22]). In Israel, 2.7% of adults declared being a victim of theft from a building in 2020, down from 3.5% in 2019 (CBS, 2021[23]).

These types of crime have been especially low during lockdown periods. In 17 OECD countries, the number of theft offenses fell significantly in March and April 2020, but rose again in June and July (Figure 4.9). In England and Wales, where total police-recorded crimes for the 12-month period ending December 2020 decreased by 8%, this was mostly driven by falls during the periods of national lockdown and mainly concerned theft offences (ONS, 2021[24]). Overall, property and contact crime rates are predicted to return to pre-pandemic levels in the medium term, and could increase further in case of economic downturn, replicating a trend observed during other major economic crises (UNODC, 2020[25]).

… but the downfall in criminal activity does not apply to domestic violence and homicide, and the pandemic provided new opportunities for cybercrime

In 2020, reports of domestic violence have risen in most countries, and shootings and homicide have increased in some. Lockdowns, isolation, school closures and job losses during COVID-19 have created fertile conditions for domestic abuse, and intimate partner violence against women and girls worldwide has intensified since the pandemic outbreak (see Chapter 7) (OECD, 2020[27]). Other data show that in some countries, certain types of violent crime increased in 2020: although rape offenses in the United States were down 12% in 2020 compared to 2019, the FBI also recorded a 12.1% increase in the number of aggravated assault offences and a record 29.4% rise for murder and non-negligent manslaughter (the largest yearly increase since records began in the 1960s) (FBI, 2021[22]). Assault victimisations in New Zealand in 2020 also increased by 12.4% relative to the previous 12 months (New Zealand Police, 2021[20]). Mexico meanwhile recorded 3 000 homicides in March 2020, one of the highest monthly totals on record (UNODC, 2020[25]). On the other hand, homicide rates in European countries did not change much in early 2020 compared to pre-pandemic levels (or even decreased in the short term), while in Colombia there were 32% fewer homicide victims in April 2020 compared with the average level recorded for that month over the period 2015–19 (though the number of victims returned to the pre-COVID-19 baseline by June 2020) (UNODC, 2020[25]).

Like many statistics coming out of the pandemic, crime data must be interpreted with some caution. First, they refer to reported crimes, and the pandemic might have changed people’s willingness to come forward in person – although some evidence suggests that the (property) crime trends described in this chapter largely reflect decreases in the number of crimes committed rather than changes in reporting (UNODC, 2020[25]). Second, legal changes occurred in 2020, e.g. more lenient drug laws were introduced in some United States jurisdictions and new family violence offences were added in New Zealand, which influenced what is recognised and recorded as crime. Relatedly, the focus of police work can change recorded crimes: in the United Kingdom, a 15% increase in drug offences in 2020 compared to 2019 is partly explained by proactive police activity in crime hotspots (ONS, 2021[24]). Lastly, homicides remain rare events and rates can easily be inflated by single incidents.7 Overall, people’s perceptions of safety in 2020 remained stable compared to 2019 in most OECD countries (Figure 4.10).

COVID-19 has also led to new opportunities for organised crime in the cyberspace and medical products market. The threat posed by counterfeit medicines increased dramatically between 2019 - 20, and is continuing in 2021, with organized crime groups taking advantage of high demand for medicines, personal protection and hygiene items (including fake negative COVID-19 test certificates). This led to a record number of fake online pharmacies being shut down by authorities (Interpol, 2020[28]; Europol, 2021[29]; Interpol, 2021[30]). Due to increases in working from home and remote access to business resources, many individuals and businesses who may have been less active online before the crisis have become a lucrative target for cybercriminals employing phishing, online scams and fake news more generally (Europol, 2020[31])]. The detection of online child sexual abuse material has also spiked at a time when restrictions prevented offenders from travelling (Interpol, 2020[32]).

Voter turnout in the first year of the pandemic was mostly not held back as many governments introduced special voting arrangements, but participation was lower in locations hit hardest by COVID-19

Despite the pandemic, people exercised their right to vote in 2020 and early 2021. With some exceptions, voter turnout in most OECD countries with national elections in 2020 and 2021 was not hindered by COVID-19. While voter turnout in Iceland and Portugal decreased by almost 10 percentage points compared to the previous election, the share of people casting a ballot increased by more than 5 percentage points in Poland, Korea and the Slovak Republic (Figure 4.11). Timing and political context partly explain this pattern: the Slovak Republic, Ireland and Israel (for the March 2020 vote) held their elections at the beginning of 2020, at a time when no COVID-19 cases had been reported in their territories, while voters in Poland and the United States were motivated to cast their ballot by closely contested and highly polarised electoral races.8

In several contexts, processes for both national elections and referenda were adapted in 2020 to cope with health restrictions imposed by the pandemic. These included new special voting arrangements and changes in existing practices to reduce crowds and implement social distancing on election day, as well ensuring access for vulnerable groups and allowing people with COVID-19 or in quarantine to vote (Table 4.1). The lessons of these arrangements during 2020 will be significant both during the pandemic and beyond.9 The only special voting arrangement that was reduced rather than expanded in 2020 and early 2021 was out-of-country voting (OCV) or voting from abroad. For instance, Korea's Electoral Commission cancelled the planned OCV arrangements, disenfranchising about 87 000 potential voters living abroad who could no longer vote by mail, while in Portugal the lower voter turnout in January 2021 can be partly attributed to changes in how to account for voters abroad (Gomes, 2021[34]; IDEA, 2021[35]) (Figure 4.11).

While voter turnout in national elections has not generally declined, there is evidence of differential impacts of the pandemic by the location and age of voters (Santana, Rama and Bertoa, 2020[36]). Most of the available data so far stems from municipal elections: for instance, during the March 2020 French municipal elections, the participation rate decreased with the city’s proximity to COVID-19 clusters and with its proportion of elderly (Noury et al., 2021[37]). In Italy, a 1 percentage point increase in the elderly mortality rate decreased the voter turnout in the September-October 2020 municipal elections by 0.5 percentage points, with stronger effects in densely populated municipalities (Santolini and Picchio, 2021[38]).

A large share of people increasingly feel disconnected from society

Throughout the first year of the pandemic, many people have been feeling increasingly disconnected from communal life. Civic engagement is also about feeling able to shape the society one lives in and about having influence on politics. Yet, in June-July 2020, when economies were slowly reopening, almost 1 in 5 of respondents in European OECD countries agreed with the statement that they felt left out of their societies, while a year later nearly 1 in 3 people felt this way (Figure 4.12, Panel A). When asked the same question in the 2016 wave of the European Quality of Life Survey, only 7.8% of respondents in European OECD countries voiced this sentiment (Figure 4.12, Panel B).10 Already pre-COVID 19, in 2018, on average only 35% of people in European OECD countries reported feeling confident participating in politics, and only 40% believed the political system in their countries allowed people like them to have a say in what the government does (OECD, 2021[39]).


[15] ABS (2020), Household Impacts of COVID-19 Survey, https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/people-and-communities/household-impacts-covid-19-survey/6-10-july-2020#unpaid-caring-responsibilities-and-domestic-work.

[21] BKA (2021), Polizeiliche Kriminalstatistik, https://www.bka.de/DE/AktuelleInformationen/StatistikenLagebilder/PolizeilicheKriminalstatistik/PKS2020/pks2020_node.html.

[19] CBS (2021), Sharp drop in traditional crime, https://www.cbs.nl/en-gb/news/2021/09/sharp-drop-in-traditional-crime.

[23] CBS (2021), Victims of crime, https://www.cbs.gov.il/he/publications/doclib/2021/8.shnatoncrimeandjustice/st08_03.pdf.

[11] DANE (n.d.), Encuesta Pulso Social (database), Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística, https://www.dane.gov.co/index.php/estadisticas-por-tema/encuesta-pulso-social (accessed on 21 September 2021).

[8] Eurofound (2020), Living, working and COVID-19, Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg, https://www.eurofound.europa.eu/publications/report/2020/living-working-and-covid-19.

[1] Eurofound (2018), European Quality of Life Survey 2016, Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg, https://www.eurofound.europa.eu/publications/report/2017/fourth-european-quality-of-life-survey-overview-report.

[3] Eurofound (n.d.), Living, working and COVID-19 dataset, https://www.eurofound.europa.eu/data/covid-19 (accessed on 21 August 2021).

[29] Europol (2021), The illicit sales of false negative COVID-19 test certificates, https://www.europol.europa.eu/sites/default/files/documents/ewn_-_illicit_sales_of_false_negative_covid-19_test_certificates.pdf.

[31] Europol (2020), Internet Organised Crime Threat Assessment, https://www.europol.europa.eu/newsroom/news/covid-19-sparks-upward-trend-in-cybercrime.

[22] FBI (2021), FBI Releases 2020 Crime Statistics, https://www.fbi.gov/news/pressrel/press-releases/fbi-releases-2020-crime-statistics.

[14] Gallup (n.d.), Gallup World Poll (database), https://www.gallup.com/178667/gallup-world-poll-work.aspx (accessed on 18 June 2021).

[34] Gomes, C. (2021), Portuguese Presidential Elections In-Depth: Strange Bedfellows, a Landslide Victory and Signs of Political Realignment, https://europeelects.eu/2021/02/04/portugal-presidential-election-result-and-signs-of-change/.

[35] IDEA (2021), Elections and Covid-19: How special voting arrangements were expanded in 2020, https://www.idea.int/news-media/news/elections-and-covid-19-how-special-voting-arrangements-were-expanded-2020.

[9] Imperial College London YouGov (2020), Covid 19 Behaviour Tracker Data Hub, https://github.com/YouGov-Data/covid-19-tracker.

[33] International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (n.d.), Voter turnout database, https://www.idea.int/data-tools/data/voter-turnout (accessed on 26 September 2021).

[17] International Transport Forum (2020), Road Safety Annual Report 2020, https://www.itf-oecd.org/road-safety-annual-report-2020.

[18] International Transport Forum (n.d.), Short term indicators - Road, https://stats.oecd.org/index.aspx?queryid=73641 (accessed on 1 July 2021).

[30] Interpol (2021), Thousands of fake online pharmacies shut down in INTERPOL operation, https://www.interpol.int/en/News-and-Events/News/2021/Thousands-of-fake-online-pharmacies-shut-down-in-INTERPOL-operation.

[32] Interpol (2020), Covid-19: child sexual exploitation and abuse threats and trends, https://www.interpol.int/en/News-and-Events/News/2020/INTERPOL-report-highlights-impact-of-COVID-19-on-child-sexual-abuse.

[28] Interpol (2020), COVID-19: the global thread of fake medicines, https://www.interpol.int/content/download/15305/file/20COM0356%20-%20IGGH_COVID-19%20threats%20to%20medicines_2020-05_EN.pdf?inLanguage=eng-GB.

[10] Kühne, S. et al. (2020), “The need for household panel surveys in times of crisis: The case of SOEP-CoV”, Survey Research Methods, Vol. 14/2, pp. 195-203, https://doi.org/10.18148/srm/2020.v14i2.7748.

[40] Morris, K. and P. Miller (2021), “Voting in a Pandemic: COVID-19 and Primary Turnout in Milwaukee, Wisconsin”, Urban Affairs Review, https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874211005016.

[20] New Zealand Police (2021), Crime at a glance, https://www.police.govt.nz/sites/default/files/publications/crime-at-a-glance-dec2020.pdf.

[37] Noury, A. et al. (2021), “How does COVID-19 affect electoral participation? evidence from the French municipal elections”, PLOS ONE, Vol. 16/2, https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0247026.

[39] OECD (2021), Government at a Glance 2021, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/1c258f55-en.

[27] OECD (2020), Taking Public Action to End Violence at Home: Summary of Conference Proceedings, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/cbff411b-en.

[41] OECD (2017), How’s Life? 2017: Measuring Well-being, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/how_life-2017-en.

[16] ONS (2021), A “new normal”? How people spent their time after the March 2020 coronavirus lockdown, https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/healthandsocialcare/conditionsanddiseases/articles/anewnormalhowpeoplespenttheirtimeafterthemarch2020coronaviruslockdown/2020-12-09.

[13] ONS (2021), Coronavirus and the social impacts on Great Britain: 29 January 2021, https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/healthandsocialcare/healthandwellbeing/bulletins/coronavirusandthesocialimpactsongreatbritain/29january2021#measuring-the-data.

[24] ONS (2021), Crime in England and Wales: year ending December 2020, https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/crimeandjustice/bulletins/crimeinenglandandwales/yearendingdecember2020#perception-and-nature-of-crime-during-the-coronavirus-pandemic.

[2] ONS (2021), Mapping loneliness during the coronavirus pandemic, https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/wellbeing/articles/mappinglonelinessduringthecoronaviruspandemic/2021-04-07.

[36] Santana, A., J. Rama and F. Bertoa (2020), “The Coronavirus Pandemic and Voter Turnout: Addressing the Impact of Covid-19 on Electoral Participation”, https://osf.io/preprints/socarxiv/3d4ny/.

[38] Santolini, R. and M. Picchio (2021), “The COVID-19 Pandemic’s Effects on Voter Turnout”, No. 14241, IZA Discussion Papers, https://www.iza.org/publications/dp/14241/the-covid-19-pandemics-effects-on-voter-turnout.

[7] Stats NZ (2021), Wellbeing statistics: March 2021 quarter, https://www.stats.govt.nz/information-releases/wellbeing-statistics-march-2021-quarter.

[12] StatsNZ (2021), Wellbeing statistics: A year in review (June 2020 to March 2021 quarter), https://www.stats.govt.nz/reports/wellbeing-statistics-a-year-in-review-june-2020-to-march-2021-quarter#worse.

[5] StatsNZ (2020), Wellbeing statistics: June 2020 quarter, https://www.stats.govt.nz/information-releases/wellbeing-statistics-june-2020-quarter#most.

[6] StatsNZ (n.d.), Wellbeing data for New Zealanders - Loneliness, https://wellbeingindicators.stats.govt.nz/en/loneliness/ (accessed on 26 March 2021).

[4] University of Oxford (n.d.), Coronavirus Government Response Tracker, University of Oxford, https://www.bsg.ox.ac.uk/research/research-projects/coronavirus-government-response-tracker (accessed on 20 May 2021).

[25] UNODC (2020), UNODC Research Reveals Drop in Reported Property Crime and Homicide During COVID-19 Lockdown Is Only Short-Lived, https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/frontpage/2020/December/unodc-research-reveals-drop-in-reported-property-crime-and-homicide-during-covid-19-lockdown-is-only-short-lived.html.

[26] UNODC (n.d.), Crime during COVID-19 pandemic, https://dataunodc.un.org/content/covid-19 (accessed on 26 July 2021).


← 1. The 2020-21 and 2016 data, from the Eurofound Living, working and Covid-19 e-survey and the European Quality of Life Survey respectively, are not directly comparable due to different sampling designs, but similar county rankings lend face validity to the results.

← 2. Some caution needs to be exercised when comparing 2020 data from the HLFS supplement (Box 4.1) with estimates produced from the General Social Survey, as differences in collection method, sampled population, reporting periods, and restrictions on face-to-face interviewing, among other things, may all impact on comparability.

← 3. These answers about behaviour have to be interpreted in light of potential social desirability bias (i.e. the perceived socially accepted response to questions about social isolation). This implies that rates of actual avoidance of contact might be slightly lower in reality.

← 4. Three percentage points are typically considered to be the minimum threshold to denote meaningful change for this indicator between two points in time, as outlined in How’s Life? 2017 (OECD, 2017[41]).

← 5. The 2018 European Quality of Life Survey question asked in a single question about being too tired after work to do household chores, difficulty fulfilling family responsibilities because of time spent at work, and difficulty concentrating at work because of family responsibilities.

← 6. People with a paid job reported a 20% increase in time worked on an average day in September-October 2020 since the April 2020 lockdown. And, as schools re-opened by September-October 2020, parents were doing more paid work on average (up by 54 minutes), while at the same time spending less time on childcare and unpaid housework (down by 51 minutes on average) (ONS, 2021[16]).

← 7. For example, the police recorded a 12% decrease in homicides in England and Wales (excluding Greater Manchester) in the year ending December 2020 compared with the previous year. These latest homicide figures include 39 people whose bodies were found in a lorry in Essex in October 2019 – without this single incident, the number of victims would have decreased by only 6%.

← 8. Official data on voter turnout for the United States 2020 elections had not been published as of 26 September 2021.

← 9. These also include potential negative effects: for instance, polling place consolidation in Milwaukee during the presidential primary election in April 2020 disproportionally reduced voter turnout of Black people in the city, even when accompanied by widespread absentee voting (Morris and Miller, 2021[40]).

← 10. The 2020-21 and 2016 data, from the Eurofound Living, working and Covid-19 e-survey and the European Quality of Life Survey respectively, are not directly comparable due to different sampling designs.

Metadata, Legal and Rights

This document, as well as any data and map included herein, are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory, to the delimitation of international frontiers and boundaries and to the name of any territory, city or area. Extracts from publications may be subject to additional disclaimers, which are set out in the complete version of the publication, available at the link provided.

© OECD 2021

The use of this work, whether digital or print, is governed by the Terms and Conditions to be found at http://www.oecd.org/termsandconditions.