2. Unemployment benefits and non-standard dependent employment: Striking the balance between income security and work incentives

Non-standard forms of dependent employment (i.e. jobs that are part time or of short duration) represent a significant share of wage and salary workers. On average across OECD countries, part-time employment accounts for 16.5% of all employment – 2 percentage points more than two decades ago (OECD, 2020[2]). Temporary employment accounts for 11.7% of dependent employment and has remained somewhat stagnant in recent years. Among young workers, however, temporary employment makes up 25.7% of dependent employment – almost 2 percentage points more than 20 years ago (OECD, 2020[3]). Non-standard forms of dependent employment have been associated with increasing labour market instability, underemployment and economic vulnerability, particularly among young people and those with less than tertiary education (OECD, 2019[1]).

As also stressed in the 2019 edition of the OECD Employment Outlook (OECD, 2019[1]), in many countries, social protection systems in general, and unemployment benefits in particular, have not yet fully adapted to the specific needs and circumstances of workers in non-standard forms of dependent employment. Analyses of out-of-work social benefits in six countries (France, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom) found that in Spain and Italy unstable employees were significantly less likely to receive benefits than standard employees (i.e. those with full-time jobs and open-ended contracts). This gap was also considerable in the United Kingdom. The social protection gap between standard and non-standard employees was even larger when assessed in terms of benefit generosity (benefit amount as a proportion of median income), especially in Greece, Italy and Spain (OECD, 2019[1]).

Due to their unusual work trajectories, jobseekers with previous non-standard dependent employment may not receive the type of support that unemployment benefits offer to jobseekers with standard employment careers. In fact, non-standard employees’ access to unemployment benefits tends to be more difficult than to other insurance programmes such as maternity and sickness benefits (Avlijas, 2019[4]). Non-standard dependent employment may also be one of the factors that explain why, in many OECD countries, only a small share of jobseekers receive unemployment benefits – fewer than one-third on average across 32 countries (OECD, 2018[5])).

At the same time, depending on their design, unemployment benefits may contribute to job instability. For example, they may provide incentives for alternating between short periods of employment and unemployment (Boeri, Cahuc and Zylberberg, 2015[6]). In particular, this can arise in the absence of waiting periods, overly short qualification periods for contributory benefits and ill-designed partial unemployment insurance schemes (Kyyrä, 2010[7]; Le Barbanchon, 2016[8]; Fontaine and Malherbet, 2016[9]). Results in OECD (2019[1]) illustrate that, in some circumstances, entitlements for those with patchy work histories may be equally or more generous than for those with more stable employment records.

This chapter provides an in-depth review of the key policy mechanisms that affect how unemployment benefits strike a balance between income security and financial work incentives for non-standard employees. By providing comparable cross-country estimates of protection for jobseekers with different employment trajectories, the chapter seeks to provide input into the policy debate on the accessibility, adequacy and effectiveness of unemployment benefits for different types of employees.

Typically, entitlements to unemployment benefits depend on the characteristics (e.g. number of months employed, wage, hours worked) of the job held before becoming unemployed. Since such characteristics refer to a period rather than just to the moment before becoming unemployed, this chapter assesses non-standard dependent employment in terms of trajectories instead of the type of contract (Box 2.1 explains in detail how employment trajectories are defined and measured). Thus, employment is observed and characterised over a continuous period, instead of at a single point in time. This approach provides a more refined assessment of job instability and the possibility to measure the unemployment risk of each type of employment. In turn, this allows for a more nuanced and sophisticated analysis of the interactions between unemployment protection and non-standard employment.

The chapter is organised as follows. Section 2.1 assesses the scale and development of unstable and part-time dependent employment and the characteristics of workers with such trajectories, comparing them with workers with stable full-time dependent employment trajectories. Section 2.2 takes stock of the legal provisions on unemployment benefits that may give rise to an uneven treatment of standard and non-standard employees. Section 2.3 sheds light on the provision and level of unemployment benefits in a number of non-standard dependent employment trajectories, by making use of simulation techniques. Furthermore, it computes indicators of income security and financial work incentives for a range of policy-relevant scenarios of standard, unstable or part-time employment. Section 2.4 discusses desirable features in the design of unemployment benefits to provide reliable and effective support to workers with non-standard employment.

According to OECD data for 2018, part-time employment accounts for 16.5% of all employment – 2 percentage points more than two decades ago (OECD, 2020[2]). Temporary employment accounts for 11.7% of dependent employment and has remained somewhat stagnant. Among young workers, however, it makes up 25.7% of dependent employment – almost 2 percentage points more than 20 years ago and 8 percentage points more than in 1980 (OECD, 2020[3])

While some non-standard jobs, particularly for high-skilled professionals, may pay high and stable earnings and provide good working conditions, there is an association between non-standard work and poorer job quality, particularly for workers with low and middle skills. Wages tend to be lower, employment less protected, access to employer and social benefits reduced, safety and health risks greater, investments in lifelong learning lower, and bargaining power weaker (OECD, 2014[10]; OECD, 2019[1]).

Non-standard jobs are also associated with higher job instability. In a context of job polarisation (see Chapter 4), some workers (particularly those in middle-skill occupations) may not enjoy the positive aspects of low job tenure, like upward transitions when former jobs disappear. Past OECD research (OECD, 2013[12]) indicates that workers who lose their job involuntarily experience a fall in job quality after re-employment. Whereas income losses affect most previously displaced workers, the magnitude of this effect differs by country (lower in Northern European countries, higher in others), age (higher and more persistent for older workers), skill level (higher for low-skilled workers) and gender (higher for men). Furthermore, displaced workers are more likely to be re-employed in temporary or part-time jobs.

Evidence from the 2019 edition of the OECD Employment Outlook (OECD, 2019[1]) shows that job instability has increased in most OECD countries once changes in the demographic composition of the workforce are taken into account. The average job tenure decreased across the OECD by 4.9% (or around five months) between 2006 and 2017. The largest declines in job stability occurred for low-educated workers (i.e. those without an upper secondary qualification).

This section assesses the incidence, characteristics and trends of workers with trajectories of unstable and part-time dependent employment (see Box 2.1 for detailed definitions), and compares them to those with stable full-time dependent employment histories.

Workers with non-standard dependent employment trajectories make up a sizeable part of dependent employment. On average across 26 European OECD countries for which data is available, non-standard dependent employment accounts for 22% of employees, part-time employment comprises 16% and unstable employment makes up 6%. Among employees who experienced spells of unemployment, past unstable employment accounts for 51%, standard employment for 30% and part-time employment for 18%.

The shares of employees with trajectories of unstable and part-time dependent employment vary considerably across countries. Unstable employment is lower than 5% of dependent employment in Belgium, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Germany, Luxembourg, Norway, Slovak Republic and the United Kingdom, while it amounts to more than 10% in Finland, Greece and Spain. Part-time employment is low in Eastern European countries, Portugal and Finland, above 25% in Belgium, Germany and Switzerland, and highest in the Netherlands (41%).

In most countries, previous patterns of non-standard dependent employment account for the bulk of workers who experience unemployed, with unstable employment being the largest group. Workers with past unstable employment make up at least half of the unemployed in Austria, Finland, Greece, Iceland, Hungary, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The shares are lowest in Czech Republic and Slovak Republic. The share of unemployed with previous part-time employment is generally low (less than 20%), except in Germany, Ireland and the Netherlands, where they make up at least 30%, and, to some extent, in Belgium, France, Italy and Switzerland.

Non-standard dependent employment, particularly part-time work, has slightly increased in the last decade, especially among the young. However, on average across European OECD countries between 2006-08 and 2016-18, the rise has been small and restricted to part-time employment (Figure 2.2, Panel A). These patterns are partly confounded, however, by changes in the demographic composition of the labour force. Population ageing and pension reforms (restricting early retirement and increasing the statutory retirement age) have increased the proportion of older workers1, whose jobs are usually stable and full-time (OECD, 2019[1]).

Focusing on young employees (aged 20 to 29), non-standard dependent employment rose by 6 percentage points on average between 2006-08 and 2016-18 (Figure 2.2, Panel B). Again, most of the rise took place among part-time employment, with unstable employment rising by just 1 percentage point. Young unstable employment increased considerably in Denmark, Greece, Ireland, Slovenia and Spain. In contrast, the share of young employees with unstable employment trajectories fell in the Netherlands and Norway, where it was offset, in part, by increases in part-time employment. In fact, part-time employment among youth increased in 20 out of 23 countries. The rise was notably high (more than 10 percentage points) in Greece, Italy, Ireland and Spain, while only in Denmark the share of part-time jobs among young employees fell significantly. These changes may be affected, in part, by the economic cycle, as the reference period (2006-08) may partly reflect labour market consequences of the abrupt downturn associated with the Great Recession.

Unstable employment trajectories are more prominent among workers who are single and young, have less than upper secondary education, work in jobs with temporary contracts, are in low-skill occupations, and earn less than the median monthly wage. The results in Table 2.1 indicate that workers on temporary contracts are more likely to experience unstable employment. On average across countries shown, a person with a temporary contract is 17% more likely to be in unstable employment than an employee with a permanent contract. The association between temporary contracts and unstable employment is particularly strong in Austria, Estonia, Finland, Greece and Spain.

Most workers with unstable employment have a temporary contract – 64% on average across European OECD countries (Figure 2.3), but cross-country variation is considerable. Temporary contracts account for the vast majority of workers with unstable employment in Poland and Southern European countries. On the other hand, in the Baltic countries, Austria, Denmark, Iceland, Ireland, Norway, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, most workers with unstable employment have permanent contracts (fewer than 30% have temporary contracts), reflecting, in part, the low incidence of temporary contracts in employment and the lighter protection of open-ended contracts against dismissal (see Chapter 3).

In most countries, unstable employment is also more likely among jobs in low- and middle-skilled occupations, particularly in Austria, the Netherlands, Spain and Eastern European countries (Table 2.1). Unstable employment is also more frequent among young people, especially in Northern European countries as well as Hungary, France and Switzerland. In many countries, people with less than upper secondary education are more likely to be in unstable employment (especially in Greece, Hungary, Latvia and Poland), but in Denmark and Germany, the estimates suggest the opposite. Unstable employment is more frequent among women than men in Belgium, Finland and Sweden; while the opposite holds in Austria, Denmark and Germany. In most countries, people in couples (i.e. married or in partnership) are less likely to be in unstable employment; this is particularly the case in the Denmark, Hungary and Lithuania. The association between having children and unstable employment is ambiguous; it is positive and significant in Germany, Luxemburg, Norway and Portugal but negative in the Czech Republic, the Netherlands and Poland. Higher monthly wages (normalised to within-country median wage) are negatively related to unstable employment in most countries, particularly in Austria, Denmark, Finland and Luxembourg; however, these results must be treated with caution as they may be biased by the wage data available.2

Part-time work can be an option for employees who need to reduce their working hours on a permanent basis, though it widely comes at the price of reduced earnings and curtailed career prospects  (OECD, 2017[13]; 2018[5]). Almost one quarter of women – often mothers – work part-time in OECD countries, and are more than two times more likely than men to work part-time (Figure 2.4).

Beyond average figures, female part-time employment differs widely among OECD countries (Figure 2.4), ranging from less than 15% in Eastern European countries and Portugal to almost 60% in the Netherlands. Women account for the majority of part-time jobs in all countries. In Austria, Belgium, Luxembourg and Switzerland, about four-in-five part-time jobs are performed by women.

There is no definitive conclusion why the share of part-time work differs so widely among OECD countries. The institutional framework may play a role to explain cross-country differences, but there seems to be no clear relationship between the generosity of protection for part-time workers and the incidence of part-time work (OECD, 2010[14]). Childcare policies can also play a role in incentivising women to take up part-time jobs. In particular, several studies find a positive effect of reduced childcare costs on maternal labour supply (Baker, Gruber and Milligan, 2015[15]; Berlinski and Galiani, 2007[16]; Carta and Rizzica, 2018[17])

Part-time employees tend to receive lower hourly wages in all OECD countries (OECD, 2010[14]; 2018[5]). Individual characteristics explain part of the part-time pay penalty, but occupational profile differences are more important in accounting for the wage differentials between part-time and full-time workers (Manning and Petrongolo, 2008[18]). Job insecurity is higher among part-time employees and more so for men than for women. Part-time workers also take part in less training and tend to be less optimistic about their career prospects. Yet, workers, especially women, use part-time work as the primary way to achieve work-life balance (Mas and Pallais, 2019[19]).

Despite higher job insecurity and lower pay, in most countries part-time employees work shorter hours by choice, even though this choice is often dictated by external constraints, such as uneven family responsibilities within couples (OECD, 2018[5]). In 2018, only 5.2% of female employment was involuntary part-time work (Figure 2.4), i.e. working fewer hours than desired because they could not find a full-time job. Evidence from the Netherlands, the country with the highest part-time employment share, shows that women who work part-time display high job satisfaction rates and do not aim to work more hours (Booth and van Ours, 2013[20]). There are exceptions, however. In Italy, Chile, France and Spain, the countries with the greatest share of involuntary part-time work, the majority of part-time women would have liked to work more hours (OECD, 2019[1]).

Workers with trajectories of non-standard dependent employment have higher income poverty rates (i.e. live in a household with an annual disposable income of less than 50% of the national median). On average across 24 European OECD countries, the share of workers living in households with income below the poverty line is 10% among those with trajectories of part-time employment and 19% among workers in unstable employment; in contrast, the poverty rate among standard workers is 3% (Figure 2.5).

There is considerable variation between different countries. Among workers with trajectories of part-time employment, the poverty rate is below 5% in Belgium and the Netherlands, and around or above 20% in Greece, Latvia, Portugal and Spain. Further, in the Baltic countries and Sweden, more than one-in-four workers with unstable employment trajectories live in a household with income below the poverty threshold. Among standard employees, the poverty rates are lower and more homogenous across countries, ranging from less than 1%, in Finland, Ireland and the Netherlands, to slightly above 5% in Estonia and Luxembourg.

Non-standard dependent employment may be a driving factor increasing the risk of falling into income poverty for several reasons. Earnings potential may be reduced due to lower work intensity, and lower current and future wages.

Non-standard employees may work for fewer hours in part-time and unstable employment.3 Workers with trajectories of non-standard dependent employment may also undergo a penalty in terms of hourly wages. In comparison to standard employees, workers with part-time and temporary jobs experience not only wage penalties in their current earnings (lower hourly wages) but are also less likely to participate in training and be promoted, which impacts future earnings (OECD, 2010[21]; OECD, 2014[10]).4 OECD evidence also suggests that personal characteristics (e.g. age, education and work experience) play a minor role, while job characteristics (e.g. occupation, industry, firm size and contract) explain some of such penalties (OECD, 2010[21]).

Household characteristics can also play an important role in determining the poverty risk of non-standard employees. Evidence on part-time employees shows that they are more likely to be income poor if their job is the main source of household earnings than if they cohabit with standard employees with higher earning (OECD, 2015[22]).

Workers with part-time and unstable employment may also experience penalties in terms of access to social benefits and protections. In many countries, social protection systems in general, and unemployment benefits in particular, have not yet fully adapted to the specific needs and circumstances of workers in non-standard forms of dependent employment. Analyses of out-of-work social benefits in six countries (France, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom) found that in Spain and Italy unstable employees were less likely to have access to benefits than standard employees (OECD, 2019[1]). This gap was also considerable in the United Kingdom, although not statistically significant. The social protection gap between standard and non-standard employees was larger when assessed in terms of benefit generosity (benefit amount as a proportion of median income), especially in Greece, Italy and Spain (Fernández, Immervoll and Pacifico, forthcoming[23]).

Due to their unusual work trajectories, jobseekers with previous non-standard dependent employment may not receive the type of support that unemployment benefits typically provide to jobseekers with standard employment. Unemployment benefits, in particular, tend to be more difficult to access for non-standard employees than other insurance programmes, such as maternity and sickness benefits (Avlijas, 2019[4]). In fact, low coverage by unemployment benefits – fewer than one-in-three jobseekers receive unemployment benefits on average across countries (OECD, 2018[5]) – may be associated with non-standard dependent employment. The condition for access to unemployment benefits in OECD countries are examined in the next section.

Requirements related to minimum time in employment or social contributions are harder to meet for those in unstable or part-time employment. With frequent job changes and job losses, unstable workers tend to have comparatively short employment tenure. Depending on the country, differences between workers with standard and non-standard employment might go beyond a mere pro-rata equivalence of entitlement and result in less favourable entitlement to unemployment insurance such as smaller benefit amount, shorter duration or restricted access. Furthermore, already acquired entitlements may be lost during a change in employment status or job (e.g. following a transition from dependent employment to self-employment when entitlements differ across employment statuses or between jobs if they are tied to a specific employment relationship). To deal with these gaps, several countries have special measures including exemptions for specific contractual arrangements, such as casual employment and seasonal work (OECD, 2019[1]).

In many OECD countries, some part-time work is compatible with the receipt of unemployment benefits (“part-time unemployment benefit”) and may or may not open new entitlements. Some countries offer partial benefits to workers whose working hours have been reduced (“short-time unemployment benefit”) – see e.g. Cahuc (2018[24]). In contributory systems, out-of-work support for unstable workers often includes provisions that allow for contribution periods or unused entitlements to be carried forward to future claim periods.

This section describes the main unemployment benefit rules focusing on their possible specific adaptation – or lack of it – to the special circumstances of workers with part-time or unstable employment. Formally, workers with part-time and unstable employment have equal access to unemployment benefits as workers with standard employment. In practice, however, if eligibility criteria are not adapted to their special circumstances their access and protection level may be considerably different and, in some cases, inadequate. This is particularly the case in contributory systems, which require meeting a minimum amount of time in employment, of hours worked and/or of earnings received.

Most unemployment benefits in OECD countries are contributory and eligibility is conditional on employment requirements (Figure 2.6). Employment requirements of first-tier unemployment benefits vary considerably across OECD countries. On average, the minimum time in employment is about 12 months and ranges from three months, in Iceland and Italy, to 24 months in the Slovak Republic. The reference period is on average about 24 months, and varies between nine months in the Netherlands and six years in Spain. Interestingly, the country with the longest minimum time in employment, the Slovak Republic, permits a longer assessment period for workers with temporary contracts.

Employment requirements also apply to some second-tier unemployment benefits. Usually, both minimum time in employment and reference periods are shorter than first-tier benefits. In France, however, access to the second-tier unemployment benefit requires at least five years of employment in the last ten years, typically targeting the long-term unemployed rather than non-standard employees.

Some countries have restrictions on the minimum amount of contributions or of hours worked, which may hinder access of part-time employees, who are less likely to fulfil those criteria. Poland, for example, requires monthly contributions to be based on earnings that are equal to, or greater than, the national minimum wage. In the United Kingdom, a minimum earnings level is also required for contributions to count towards unemployment insurance entitlements – the minimum earnings level is approximately 15% of average full-time earnings in the United Kingdom (OECD, 2019[1]). In Finland, contributions must be based on at least 18 hours of work per week. In Australia, the Jobseeker Payment provides social protection for jobseekers through means-tested payments that are independent of past employment.

The financing of contributory unemployment benefits usually stems, at least in part, from social security contributions paid by employees and/or employers. In most countries, social security contributions include “unemployment insurance contribution rates” which correspond to the part of contributions earmarked to unemployment protection. Some countries differentiate unemployment insurance rates to create financial incentives for employers and employees to choose more stable employment contracts and discourage collusion. Box 2.2 shows unemployment insurance rules in a subsample of OECD countries.

There is considerable variation across countries in the design of unemployment benefit systems, and hence, the extent to which they support incomes during joblessness and facilitate job search. Figure 2.7 summarises some of the key institutional details of first-tier and second-tier unemployment benefits in all OECD countries, except Colombia. Second-tier unemployment benefits protect jobseekers who are not (or no longer) eligible to the first-tier contributory unemployment benefits.5 Special unemployment programmes such as training allowances, additional “lower-tier” unemployment benefits6, social assistance benefits and other programmes that are not exclusively targeted at jobseekers (e.g. family or sickness benefits) are not considered.

Most unemployment benefits are contributory and not means-tested, especially if they are first-tier benefits. Out of the 47 unemployment benefits, 37 are contributory and ten are non-contributory (Figure 2.7, Panel A). Only in Australia and New Zealand, first-tier unemployment benefits are not contributory and means-tested. Most second-tier unemployment benefits are not contributory and means tested. Only in Austria and Chile, second-tier unemployment benefits are contributory and not means test. Conversely, in Estonia, France, Portugal and Spain, second-tier unemployment benefits are contributory and means tested.

Typically, second-tier unemployment benefits are subject to strict income and asset testing, which may hamper access for jobseekers in households with other income sources, such as earnings from a spouse. Among OECD countries with a second-tier unemployment benefit, only in Austria and Chile the benefit is not means-tested (Figure 2.7, Panel B). In Austria, France and Greece, the second-tier unemployment benefits are available only for people who ran out of the first-tier benefit – thus, they are not available to jobseekers who did not qualify for the primary benefit in the first place.

In some countries, second-tier unemployment benefits facilitate access to non-standard employees through less demanding employment requirements. In Spain, the second-tier unemployment benefit requires a shorter minimum time in employment (six months in general, three months in case of having family responsibilities). In the United Kingdom and Finland, the second-tier unemployment benefits do not depend on past employment.

Generally, the amount of first-tier contributory unemployment benefits fluctuate between a minimum and maximum amount, while second-tier, non-contributory and means-tested unemployment benefits have fixed amounts. Benefit amounts are usually considerably higher in first-tier than second-tier unemployment benefits, but the difference depends on whether the entitlement to the first-tier benefit is closer to the minimum or maximum limit. Panel A in Figure 2.7 indicates the benefit amount for a recipient previously earning a salary equivalent to two-thirds of the average wage in the country.7 Under these circumstances, in most countries, the amounts of first-tier unemployment benefits exceed those from second-tier benefits by a significant margin (at least 10 percentage points of the average wage).

In some countries, however, the benefit amounts of first- and second-tier unemployment benefits are similar (Figure 2.7, Panel A). In Austria, where access to the second-tier benefit is conditional on exhausting first-tier benefit, the amount of the second-tier benefit is just slightly lower than that of the first-tier benefit, though it is means-tested and other household incomes reduce the entitlement. In Ireland and the United Kingdom, the benefit amounts of first-tier and second-tier benefits are the same. This may help explain why only 14% of the unemployment benefit claimants in the United Kingdom receive the first-tier benefit (Bradshaw and Bennett, 2017[30]; Avlijas, 2019[4]).

In Estonia, Finland, Greece, Portugal, Spain and Sweden, the amount of the flat-rate means-tested second-tier benefit is similar to the minimum amount of the earnings-related first-tier benefit (Figure 2.7, Panel A). In the case of Finland, not only the amounts are the same but also the means test applied to the second-tier benefit has limited impact on benefit amounts as many income sources are fully disregarded (e.g. earnings of the spouse, social assistance and housing allowance). In contrast to other earnings-related social security systems, in Finland, the first-tier benefit does not have an upper ceiling for the benefit level. This feature aims to incentivise high-wage earners to contribute to the system.

The maximum duration of first-tier unemployment benefits tends to be shorter than of second-tier benefits. In most countries, the maximum duration of first-tier unemployment benefits is up to 36 months, with 24 months being the most frequent limit (Figure 2.7, Panel B). In the non-contributory and means-tested first-tier unemployment benefits of Australia and New Zealand there is no maximum duration limit. Similarly, no maximum duration limit applies in Belgium, where first-tier unemployment benefits are contributory and not means tested. In several countries, the duration of second-tier unemployment benefits is unlimited. In most cases, these benefits with unlimited duration are means tested. In Austria, however, the benefit is not means tested on household income, although it is suspended if the claimant earns above the minimum base of social contributions.8 Among second-tier unemployment benefits with limited duration, the maximum duration ranges from nine months in Estonia to 24 months in Portugal.

This section describes detailed rules of first- and second-tier unemployment benefits that can affect workers with part-time and unstable employment differently from standard employees. The data is based on a tailored questionnaire, which was submitted to 11 OECD member countries (Australia, Austria, Canada, Finland, France, Japan, Latvia, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom). This country selection aims to illustrate unemployment benefits in European and non-European countries, based on contributory and non-contributory systems, using and not using means testing, and with different levels of legal complexity and access conditions. The detailed information on unemployment benefit legislation is summarised in Table 2.2.

In all selected countries, benefit claimants with previous part-time employment are subject to the same access conditions as those who previously worked full-time. The calculation of benefit amounts may differ however, particularly in the case of first-tier benefits. In most countries (Austria, Canada, France, Japan, Latvia, the Netherlands and Spain), the amount of first-tier benefits is calculated pro-rata, i.e. in proportion to the wage in the previous job. In Australia, Poland and the United Kingdom, where the benefit amount is a flat rate, jobseekers previously in part-time employment receive the same amount as those previously working full-time. Finland has a hybrid system combining a fixed component with a supplement that is proportional to earnings. Second-tier benefit amounts are also independent of previous hours worked in Finland, France, and the United Kingdom. In contrast, in Austria and Spain, the amounts of second-tier benefits are computed in proportion to the previous number of hours worked.

Many countries use part-time unemployment benefit schemes, which enable claimants to keep part of their unemployment benefits while earning low wages from a job. These schemes aim at people who have lost a full-time and found a part-time job or have lost a secondary job, and are seeking a new job in order to work more hours (Cahuc, 2018[24]). Typically, jobs are restricted to a temporary basis or subject to specific limits regarding working hours and/or earnings.

Except for Latvia and Poland, all analysed countries have schemes of part-time unemployment, although specific conditions apply. Most countries set an implicit earnings limit on part-time unemployment by phasing out the amount of the benefit by reducing it in line with earned wages. Some unemployment benefits operate, however, explicit limits based on earnings, hours or duration. Explicit earning limits are in place in Austria (lower than the “marginal income limit”), second-tier benefit in Japan (80 000 JPY) and the Netherlands (87.5% of the benefit amount). Limits on the number of hours worked are imposed in Finland (80% of full-time), first-tier benefit in Japan (20 hours per week) and Spain (70% of full-time). In France, the second-tier unemployment benefit sets a duration limit, as work is only compatible with the benefit for up to three months.

Some countries encourage unemployment benefit recipients to take up part-time work using financial incentives that allow recipients to “keep” some of the additional income received in wages by not reducing the benefit amount by the same magnitude. First- and second-tier unemployment benefits in Austria and second-tier benefit in France do not reduce the amount of benefits with wages earned, although both apply limits, as seen above. In Australia, Canada, Finland, France (first-tier benefit) and the Netherlands, benefits apply ‘withdrawal rates’, which reduce the magnitude of benefits at a slower pace than wages. Furthermore, in Australia, Finland and the United Kingdom, benefits apply ‘earning disregards’, which ignore part of the earnings amount to be deducted from the benefit. Only Spain and first-tier benefit in Japan do not provide any financial incentive.

Putting together the limits and incentives to part-time unemployment, Table 2.2 presents the maximum possible sum of unemployment benefits and earnings (SUBE), expressed as a proportion of the average wage in the country. SUBE ranges from 9% in the United Kingdom to 70% in Canada. The sum of unemployment benefits and earnings can also reach levels from 40% of the average wage in Austria, Finland, France, Japan, the Netherlands and Spain (first-tier benefit only).

Workers experiencing unstable employment, with repeated transitions between work and unemployment, may not satisfy all unemployment benefit conditions when applying for a subsequent time. To facilitate their access, some countries make use of ‘recharging’ rules, with specific access conditions for jobseekers who are not applying to unemployment benefit for the first time. In Austria, for example, people who received unemployment benefits before are favoured by an alternative employment requirement (28 weeks of employment in the past 12 months) besides the one available for first-time claimants (52 weeks in the past 24 months).

Rules easing repeated benefit claims may produce incentives for workers and employers to adjust their behaviour. Unemployment benefit entitlements readily available after the end of temporary contracts can trigger “carousel effects” (i.e. repeated movements in and out of unemployment) because benefit claims are not restricted to situations where the firm has an objective economic reason for layoffs (OECD, 2002[31]).

Some countries reduce the amount of first-tier unemployment benefits after some period to encourage job search (France, Latvia, the Netherlands and Spain).9 However, such reductions may also incentivise workers with intermittent employment to plan strategically their employment spells in a way to maximise the amount of unemployment benefit payments (Fontaine and Malherbet, 2016[9]; Kyyrä, 2010[7]; Le Barbanchon, 2016[8]).

In some countries, the jobseeker can keep unused entitlements if she finds full-time work before exhausting the benefit duration to which she is entitled. Workers with unstable employment may then access such unused entitlements in a later unemployment spell. The rules for saving unused entitlements diverge significantly across countries and benefit programmes. Unused entitlements to unemployment benefits are completely lost in Poland and Latvia,10 so that workers need to rebuild their benefit rights from scratch whenever they start a new employment spell. In Canada, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, strict conditions determine whether entitlements are kept for subsequent unemployment spells.11 In Spain, “old” (unused) entitlements are kept, but cannot be accumulated with “new” entitlements. If, due to a recent period in employment, jobseekers are eligible to “new entitlements”, they must choose between the old and the new entitlement, and discard the other. In France’s first-tier unemployment benefit rules, jobseekers can accumulate old and new entitlements, as long they first finish the old one before claiming the new one. Otherwise, jobseekers have the droit d’option, which allows them to start receiving the new entitlement, while discarding the old one. In some countries, such as France and Japan, unused entitlements can be (partly) paid out as an in-work benefit or re-employment allowance/bonus.

About half of the countries shown use benefit waiting periods to incentivise job search during an unemployment spell. However, these provisions may also make support difficult to access for those with unstable employment. Waiting periods typically last for a week and apply to all applicants, but individual circumstances can extend them to one month or more in Australia or (for second-tier benefits) in Spain. In some countries, waiting periods are waived for those with unstable employment, i.e. if the last benefit payment was received a short time before (12 weeks in the United Kingdom and 12 months in France).

Do unemployment benefits provide adequate income protection and strong work incentives to jobseekers who were in non-standard dependent employment? How different are indicators of income protection and work incentives for jobseekers with a history of standard employment? What are the circumstances and policies that drive non-standard employees to be treated differently than standard employees? Are there particular systems (e.g. contribution-based or means-tested based) or policy mechanisms that make unemployment benefits better equipped to protect non-standard employees?

In order to address these questions, this section develops new indicators of the impact of unemployment benefits on income protection and financial work incentives for non-standard employees. The indicators are obtained by simulating the unemployment benefit rules on employment scenarios that characterise workers with standard and non-standard dependent employment, using definitions that are comparable across countries. The simulations compute unemployment benefit entitlements for people who worked the same total number of hours and earned the same amount of wages over a period of several years, but through different employment trajectories.

The simulations are similar in spirit to model calculations, such as those based on the OECD tax-benefit model (TaxBEN), that are commonly used to compare benefit replacement rates and work incentives. However, TaxBEN currently does not cover benefit provisions for unstable employment. The simulations focus on the first-tier and second-tier unemployment benefits described in Table 2.2. Lower-tier benefits, such as social assistance, as well as in-work support and tax provisions also shape the income consequences of these different work patterns. Accounting for the full range of tax-benefit policy levers would require an extension of the TaxBEN model to cover unstable employment, which is left to future work. Box 2.3 provides a detailed description of each scenario as well as additional assumptions.

The simulations were carried out for four OECD countries out of the 11 whose unemployment benefits were described in Table 2.2: Australia, France, Latvia and Spain. While the long-term objective would be to include all OECD countries, the simulations for these four countries provides a pilot for future extensions. These specific countries were selected to deliver diversity in terms of geography (European and non-European countries), benefit system (contributory and non-contributory), legal complexity and access conditions. Despite such diversity, given the small number of countries, the evidence obtained with simulations aims to illustrate and highlight policy issues rather than to be representative of all OECD countries.

Unemployment benefits provide varying degrees of income protection depending on the type of employment trajectory. Such differences are observed even when workers have the same personal characteristics, have earned the same amount of wages and have been in and out of work the same number of hours, over a given period.

In Australia, France, Latvia and Spain, workers with a standard employment trajectory receive at least as much income protection as any worker with a non-standard employment trajectory. Figure 2.9 to Figure 2.12 illustrate the unemployment benefit entitlements in each month and for each scenario described in Box 2.3. As a summary for these figures, Figure 2.13 decomposes income protection into two indicators: receipt and level. Receipt measures the number of months that unemployment benefits are received. Level assesses the average amount of unemployment benefit received over the analysed seven-year period (accounting only the months in which the benefit is effectively paid).

In Australia and France, in each month that the worker is fully unemployed she receives some unemployment benefit, in all simulated scenarios. In France, workers with unstable employment trajectories (scenarios B and C) receive unemployment benefits for the same number of months (36 months) as those with standard employment (scenario A). This is not the case in Australia, Latvia and Spain.

In Australia, workers with a standard employment trajectory (scenario A) receive unemployment benefit for 38 months, workers who switch between employment and unemployment every six months (scenario B) receive unemployment benefit for 40 months, and those who switch every month (scenario C) receive it for 60 months. The entitlement, means test and payment of unemployment benefit in Australia is assessed every fortnight based on the income from the previous fortnight. Because of that, the benefit payment shifts by a fortnight and may be received in a month when the person is employed (see the spikes in Figure 2.9). This explains why in scenario C the unemployment benefit is received in more months than in scenarios A and B. If the number of payments were measured in fortnights, however, the number of times across scenarios would be the same.

In Latvia, workers with unstable employment trajectories (scenarios B and C) receive unemployment benefits for 6 months or less, while those with standard employment (scenario A) receive it for 24 months. The unemployment benefit in Latvia requires a relatively long minimum time in employment (12 months), while Latvia has the shortest reference period (16 months) out of the four countries (Figure 2.6). Meeting these entitlement conditions is hard for those with unstable employment patterns. Latvia also has no second-tier unemployment benefit as an additional protection to those with shorter contribution records.

In Spain, workers with unstable employment trajectories (scenarios B and C) receive the first-tier unemployment benefit for half the time received by standard workers (8 instead of 16 months). As in Latvia, this is partly because the first-tier benefit requires a relatively long minimum time in employment (12 months). In addition, after six months of employment, jobseekers can claim the second-tier unemployment benefit. After six months of unstable work, workers may prefer to claim the lower-paid second-tier benefit than to wait until they are able to accumulate 12 months of work; months used to claim the second-tier unemployment benefit cannot be used to claim the first-tier benefit (see Table 2.2).

Across the four analysed countries, unemployment benefits are more generous under contributory than non-contributory systems. In Australia, where unemployment protection is non-contributory, the benefit level for workers with standard or unstable employment trajectories ranges from 10% to 15% of AW. Benefit levels are considerably higher in France, Latvia and Spain, where their systems are contributory.

In France, benefit levels are the same for workers with stable and unstable employment trajectories. In Australia and Spain, benefit levels are slightly higher for workers with stable employment trajectories, because they are less subject to reductions due to waiting periods12 or are often eligible for new benefits with higher amounts. Conversely, in Latvia, benefit levels are higher for unstable workers, because of shorter benefit durations that are less affected by the reduction in the benefit rate as the unemployment spell lengthens (Table 2.2).13

Workers with employment trajectories that include periods combining unemployment and part-time work within a month (scenario D) generally receive unemployment benefits for fewer months than workers with standard employment (scenario A). In Latvia, access is restricted because the unemployment benefit is incompatible with any type of employment (see Table 2.2). In Australia, Spain and France, the unemployment benefit is compatible with some work, but in some cases the eligibility depends on the wage received while in employment (in the simulations presented here the wage is 33.3% AW). In Australia, the unemployment benefit is completely depleted by the means test if earnings are above an amount equivalent to 23% AW (see Table 2.2). In Spain, unemployment benefits are reduced in proportion to the number of hours worked. In addition, the second-tier benefit also applies a means test that makes benefit receipt incompatible with earnings higher than an amount equivalent to 29% AW (see Table 2.2). In France, the first-tier benefit is reduced with a 70% withdrawal rate; for the second-tier benefit, work and benefits are compatible for up to three months, after which the benefit is interrupted if the professional activity continues.

Unemployment benefit protection is also less generous for workers with employment trajectories that include periods combining unemployment and part-time work (scenario D) than for a standard worker (scenario A). This is because entitlements are reduced with the wage earned from concomitant work. Usually, unemployment benefit entitlements are the same independently of how workers distributed their working hours within a month (e.g. worked part-time every day or full-time some days of the month). In France, however, the unemployment benefit differs depending on the distribution of working hours within the month (see Box 2.4).

Unemployment benefits aim to provide adequate income protection to jobseekers and their families, while also maintaining work incentives. Improving work incentives and facilitating the return to self-sufficiency is important because the risk of long-term poverty is much higher for jobless individuals on benefits than for fully employed people. Moreover, the cost of safety nets to budget-constrained governments reinforces the need to induce people – who can – to get back into work (OECD, 2005[36]).

When the unemployment benefit amount received by jobseekers is high relative to the wage they can obtain from work, jobseekers may find themselves in an “unemployment trap” – i.e. discouraged from searching for a new job (OECD, 2005[36]). In the literature (OECD, 2007[37]; OECD, 2020[38]), the financial incentive of a jobseeker to pick up a new job is typically measured through replacement rates (RR). This sub-section uses a variation of the indicator of replacement rates (adjusted replacement rates, ARR), which is adjusted to account for the specificities of the simulated scenarios (Box 2.5).

Figure 2.16 presents the ARR for the final year of the 16 scenarios depicted in Figure 2.15, in Australia, France, Latvia and Spain. The ARR is an indicator of financial work disincentives – the higher the ARR, the lower the financial incentives to work more. The ARR expresses the amount of total income (wages and benefits) that a worker would get relative to the full-time wage (Box 2.5).

Since workers with non-standard employment earn wages that are equivalent to 50% of a full-time wage, their ARR is at least 50%. ARR for workers in full unemployment provide a benchmark to assess the incentives for a worker not to work at all.

Work incentives vary considerably across countries, current and previous employment trajectories. On average, the ARR is higher in France, followed by Australia, Spain and Latvia. Across current non-standard employment trajectories, the ARR is higher among workers with unstable employment. Across previous employment trajectories, ARR are unsurprisingly higher among workers with previous standard employment, except for Australia.

In Australia, a worker in part-time employment would get an income equivalent to 53% of a full-time wage. Hence, her income would increase by 47% of a full-time wage if she worked full time. If she did not work at all, her income would decrease by 18% of a full-time wage, as the ARR in full unemployment is 35%. Conversely, the ARR for a worker with current unstable employment would be 68%, full employment would increase income by 32% of a full-time wage, and full unemployment would reduce income by 33% of a full-time wage.

In France, workers with unstable employment have lower incentives to take up full employment. A worker in unstable employment would get a benefit amount equivalent to 78% of a full-time wage but working only half of the time. If she did not work at all, her income would decrease by 21% of a full-time wage, as the ARR in full unemployment is 57%. In contrast, the ARR for a worker in part-time employment is 64%. If she did not work at all, her income would decrease by only 7% of a full-time wage. Previous unstable employment trajectories produce the same work incentives as previous stable employment. For previous part-time employment, however, adjusted replacement rates are lower – 18 percentage points lower for full-time unemployed and around 9 percentage points lower for workers in current non-standard employment.

In Latvia, outcomes are to a large extent conditioned by the previous employment trajectory. In the scenarios considered here, workers with previous unstable employment trajectories would not be entitled to any unemployment benefit, because minimum contribution conditions requires 12 contributions in the last 16 months (Figure 2.6). Independently of previous employment trajectories, the worker would also not receive unemployment benefit if working on a part-time basis, as the Latvian benefit is incompatible with any work (in scenario D, the small part of ARR related to benefits is due to the month in full unemployment). Workers with current unstable and previous stable employment would receive benefits with sizeable replacement rates. A worker switching every month between unemployment and employment would get an amount equivalent to 79% of a full-time wage. If she did not work at all, her income would decrease by 52% of a full-time wage, as the ARR in full unemployment is 27%. The adjusted replacement rates are slightly lower for workers current switching every six months between unemployment and employment, and for workers who previously were in part-time employment.

In Spain, previous employment trajectories also play an important role in determining the amount of future unemployment benefits. Workers without previous standard employment trajectories would not be entitled to first-tier unemployment benefit, because minimum contribution conditions and means testing rules (as discussed in Section 2.3.1). They would be entitled, however, to a few months of the second-tier benefit. Workers with current and previous part-time employment trajectories would not be entitled to any unemployment benefit. Conversely, a worker with current unstable and previous stable employment would receive benefits with sizeable replacement rates (73%). If she did not work at all, her income would decrease by 37% of a full-time wage, as the ARR in full unemployment is 36%. The adjusted replacement rate is lower for a worker with current part-time and previous stable employment (64%).

This section discusses some key features of unemployment benefit systems and considers potential policy options to improve their reliability and effectiveness to support workers with trajectories of non-standard employment. Following the evidence provided in previous sections, the discussion addresses benefit neutrality, work incentives, activation and protection during an economic downturn. Table 2.3 recaps the arguments below with a summary of unemployment benefit instruments in terms of their objectives, trade-offs and effects on workers with non-standard dependent employment trajectories, and possible alternatives of adjustments in order to strike the right balance between conflicting objectives.

In general, for the countries reviewed in this chapter, unemployment benefits are not neutral with respect to the distribution of time between dependent employment and unemployment before the benefit is claimed. Evidence gathered in section 2.3 reveals considerable differences concerning the extent of protection that unemployment benefits provide to workers who, over the medium run, have worked the same amount of time.

Strict employment requirements tend to penalise workers with unstable employment trajectories, in particular when the minimum time in employment is relatively long and the reference period is short. Unstable employment prolongs the period in which workers need to work in order to fulfil the minimum requirement, thus hindering their ability to claim the benefit. While employment requirements are important features of unemployment benefits – they provide work incentives, prevent benefit abuse and protect the financial sustainability of the system – some adjustments can contribute to reduce such a penalty on instability. The difference between the length of the reference period and the minimum time in employment can be designed to be sufficiently long in order to account for unstable employment or specifically extended for workers more prone to job instability, as in Austria (young workers) and the Slovak Republic (temporary contracts).

The reduction of benefit amounts with wages from part-time unemployment penalises jobseekers able to carry out some casual part-time work while searching for an adequate full-time job. In some countries, the penalty is absolute as unemployment benefits are incompatible with any work. Reducing the amount of benefits in line with wages is justified by the need to smooth income and avoid the misuse of unemployment benefits as a sort of wage subsidy. On the other hand, besides neutrality, part-time unemployment may produce desirable outcomes such as improving jobseekers’ employability through a “stepping-stone effect” (Kyyrä, Arranz and García-Serrano, 2019[39]). Financial incentives, such as earnings disregards and lower withdrawal rates, encourage unemployment benefit recipients to take up part-time work by allowing them to keep some of the additional income received in wages, and can be effective instruments for balancing objectives. Yet, part-time unemployment benefits may also produce “lock-in effects”, by reducing the exit rate from part-time to full-time employment. Thus, like in other activation policies, it is important to use “mixed strategies” that profile and monitor the effect of causal part-time jobs on the long-term employability of jobseekers (OECD, 2018[40]).

The potential adverse impact of unemployment insurance systems on work incentives is a main concern in many countries, particularly for those who have been out of work for a long time. Furthermore, ill-designed unemployment benefits may incentivise unstable employment.

Soft access conditions may generate a carousel of shifts between periods in short-tenure jobs and periods in unemployment while receiving generous benefit amounts. Waiting periods, moderately long requirements of minimum time in employment and reductions in case of frequent reclaiming can contribute to preventing such distortion. Differentiated unemployment insurance contribution rates may also be used to create financial incentives for employers and employees to choose more stable employment contracts and discourage collusion (OECD, 2004[41]; OECD, 2019[1]).

Keeping unused benefits for future use may encourage frequent periods of unstable employment (as discussed above) and incentivise over-extending the duration of unemployment benefits, thus promoting long-term unemployment. Limits on the possibility of keeping and accumulating previous and new entitlements can regulate the trade-off between work incentives and acquired rights.

The coordination between in-work and out-of-work support can produce important back-to-work incentives. One option could be to extend to full-time workers with low earnings the possibility to cumulate unemployment benefits and income from work as is the case for part-time unemployment (Hijzen and Salvatori, 2020[42]). Another possibility would be introducing in-work benefits, like the Earned Income Tax Credit in the United States or the Prime d’activité in France (Carcillo et al., 2019[43]). Alternatively, in-work and out-of-work benefits could be integrated in a single comprehensive strategy (e.g. the United Kingdom’s Universal Credit).

Unemployment benefit’s activation requirements also play a role in strengthening incentives to look for, prepare for, and accept employment. Evidence suggests that unemployment benefit programmes featuring job-search monitoring and sanctions yield positive employment effects, while overly demanding eligibility criteria can exclude some intended recipients (Immervoll and Knotz, 2018[44]). Exceedingly strict sanctions and excessive reliance on job-search incentives could be counterproductive and increase the unemployment exit rate into unstable jobs. Profiling plays a crucial role. Workers in need of more intensive activation services (such as training) should be identified and supported (OECD, 2018[40]).

According to the 2018 OECD Jobs Strategy, unemployment benefits can play a pivotal role in the success of activation strategies through the rigorous enforcement of a “mutual obligations framework” (OECD, 2018[40]). Within a mutual obligations framework, governments have the duty to provide jobseekers with benefits and effective services to enable them to find work and, in turn, beneficiaries have to take active steps to find work or improve their employability. The threat of potential sanctions in terms of benefit withdrawal significantly increases the financial incentive for seeking and taking up gainful employment as well as seriously participating in active programmes. Thus, unemployment benefit recipients are referred to employment services.

Unemployment benefits are key to connect jobless people to active labour market programmes, by referring them to employment services, which provide job-search assistance or interventions to increase their employability. In the absence of unemployment (or social assistance) benefits, it is often difficult to reach out to those facing multiple barriers to employment, who risk being left behind. Similarly, in the absence of effective active labour market policies, there is a risk that unemployment benefits reduce work incentives and deepen labour market exclusion. Passive and active policies should therefore be conceived together rather than in isolation (OECD, 2018[40]).

Increasing the access of workers in non-standard dependent employment to unemployment insurance is, therefore, a promising avenue for promoting labour market security and inclusiveness, provided it is carried out together with the rigorous enforcement of a “mutual-obligations” framework to preserve work incentives.

Unemployment benefits play an important role as key instruments of social protection to provide income support and employment opportunities in all phases of the economic cycle. This role is stronger during and after an economic shock. By helping individuals and families cope with the consequences of economic shocks, unemployment benefits contribute to prevent temporary economic problems from turning into long-term disadvantage for workers and a social crisis for society (OECD, 2014[45]).

Unemployment benefits need to be sufficiently responsive to changes in circumstances, following an economic shock. In countries where access to, and duration of, unemployment benefits is restricted, there may be a case for, temporarily, loosening employment and other requirements and extending the maximum duration of the benefit (e.g. in the Canada and the United States). In a context of fewer job opportunities, the emphasis of active labour market policies may temporarily shift from work-first to train-first, in particular for hard-to-place jobseekers (OECD, 2018[40]).

Complementing the overall discussion in Chapter 1 on the challenges coming from the COVID-19 crisis, Box 2.6 discusses the measures introduced by countries that have revised unemployment benefit elements in order to extend unemployment protection of non-standard workers during the crisis.

This chapter provides an in-depth review of the key policy mechanisms that affect how unemployment benefits strike a balance between income security and financial work incentives for those with non-standard dependent employment trajectories. It presents new evidence on the scale and development of unstable and part-time dependent employment and the characteristics of workers with such trajectories. In particular, it shows that workers who experienced non-standard dependent employment trajectories make up for a considerable part of dependent employment and the majority of the unemployed; that their share of employees has increased, particularly among young workers; and that their poverty rates are several times higher than those of workers in standard employment.

The chapter also takes stock of and analysed the legal unemployment benefit provisions that apply to non-standard employees, and how these might give rise to an uneven treatment of standard and non-standard employees. Unemployment benefit rules can result in considerable differences between workers with standard and non-standard dependent employment trajectories in terms of the duration of benefit entitlements and the level of benefits paid. Some requirements are harder to meet for those in unstable or part-time employment.

Simulations of some policy-relevant employment trajectories for four OECD countries (Australia, France, Latvia and Spain) show that unemployment benefits provide different levels of support depending on the employment trajectory. Such differences are evident even when workers have the same personal characteristics, have earned the same amount of wages and have been in and out of work the same number of hours over a given period. In other words, the systems are not neutral in terms of social protection and incentives. Jobseekers with unstable employment trajectories (working either every other month or every other semester) are entitled to the same number of months and the same amount of unemployment benefits in Australia and France, but considerably less in Latvia and Spain, where contribution conditions are more demanding. In all of the four countries, workers with trajectories that include periods combining unemployment and partial work are entitled to lower unemployment benefit than workers with standard employment trajectories.

The chapter shows that there are several policy tools that can be deployed to design unemployment benefit systems that strikes the right balance between the sometimes conflicting objectives of income security and work incentives for those with unstable employment histories. For example:

Customised extensions of employment reference periods could be used for groups who are more prone to job instability, such as young workers and those on temporary contracts.

Earnings disregards and withdrawal rates applied to the benefits of jobseekers with earnings from casual or part-time work can be calibrated to enable such work to be used as a stepping stone to a better job.

Waiting periods, moderate minimum employment duration requirements, reductions in case of frequent reclaiming and limits on the accumulation of old and new entitlements can be used to reduce incentives to choose an unstable employment trajectory.

Differentiated unemployment insurance contribution rates could create financial incentives for employers and employees to choose more stable employment contracts and deter them from colluding in unstable arrangements that reduce workers’ pay and maximise benefit entitlements.

Finally, the integration or at least improved co-ordination of in-work and out-of-work benefits can enhance work incentives. Activation measures can also strengthen incentives to seek and accept stable employment.

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Notes

← 1. The impact of the demographic change on the incidence of standard and non-standard employment is mainly due to an “age effect” rather than a “cohort effect”. Even among young workers, the incidence of standard employment increases as a cohort ages.

← 2. Average monthly wages were computed dividing the annual wage of the current year by the number of months in work. Since people experiencing many transitions are unlikely to have changed status at the first or last calendar day of each month, each month in work is likely to correspond to fewer hours of work than, say, a standard employee staying in the same job the whole year. This is particularly the case for those that are more employable and therefore are less likely to spend most of the month out of work. Therefore, the prevalence of unstable employment among below-median wages could in part driven by the underestimation of their wages.

← 3. Previous OECD evidence suggests, however, that the average number of hours worked by part-timers does not explain much of the cross-country difference in poverty penalties (OECD, 2010[21]).

← 4. Results from Table 2.1 also suggest that workers with unstable employment have lower wages, although these results control for the number of months and not for the number of hours worked.

← 5. Jobseekers who are not entitled to first- or second-tier unemployment benefits may be protected by safety-net programmes, such as social assistance benefits, with neither employment nor employment-availability requirements.

← 6. Some countries have unemployment benefits available for jobseekers not entitled to first-year and second-tier unemployment benefits. In Spain, for example, Active Integration Income (Renta Activa de Inserción) and Extraordinary unemployment allowance (Subsidio extraordinario por desempleo) are aimed at jobseekers in long-term unemployment who have extinguished their access to unemployment insurance and unemployment assistance benefits.

← 7. All benefit amounts assume a single individual without children and not eligible to any supplement. For other family circumstances, see annual OECD tax-benefit country reports.

← 8. In 2020, the minimum base of social contributions in Austria was 461 EUR per month.

← 9. In France, the benefit amount is reduced only for jobseekers with previous high wages (i.e. those who earned more than EUR 4 500 per month on average before unemployment).

← 10. In Latvia, one can suspend the benefit for up to two months of work without losing entitlement.

← 11. In Canada, entitlements are only retained if they were suspended due to high earnings from partial work. In the Netherlands, entitlements are only kept if the new job provides the same amount of working hours as the job prior to unemployment or if earnings from the new job are below 87.5% of the unemployment benefit level. In the United Kingdom, entitlements are kept for 12 weeks.

← 12. In Figure 2.9, Figure 2.10 and Figure 2.12 (UB_2), waiting periods can be identified as the first and lower amount of benefit received over a period. Waiting periods shift the time of receipt, but not the potential duration and potential total amount of payments, which remain the same. Yet, in comparison to the case without waiting period, the effective duration and effective total amount may be lower if the jobseeker finds a job before exhausting the benefit.

← 13. In Figure 2.11 and Figure 2.12 (UB_1), reductions due to the length of the receipt periods can be identified as the lower amounts once the benefit has been received for a few months.

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