Figure 1.1. The US labour market was hit very hard by the global financial crisis but recovered faster than in other OECD countries

Figure 1.2. Involuntary layoffs in the United States increased in the crisis while voluntary job quits fell and stayed at a lower level for many years

Figure 1.3. The service sector has been growing fastest while the manufacturing sector in the United States has experienced massive declines

Figure 1.4. Job polarisation was very pronounced in the United States in the past

Figure 1.5. Wage inequality in the United States increased both before and after the global financial crisis

Figure 1.6. On average, just over 3% of US employees with tenure of one year or more are displaced from their job every year

Figure 1.7. The displacement rate in the United States is high by international standards

Figure 1.8. The displacement risk in the United States is higher for men, workers with low tenure and those with lower education

Figure 1.9. One US displaced worker out of two gets back into work within one year

Figure 1.10. Many older displaced workers in the United States withdraw from the labour market

Figure 1.11. The impact of job displacement on earnings is significant in the United States, especially for older displaced workers

Figure 1.12. In their new job, many displaced workers in the United States have to accept part time employment contracts

Figure 1.13. The typical displaced worker makes more use of craft and physical skills, both in the United States and elsewhere

Figure 1.14. One in two displaced workers in the United States change occupation but only one in four need new skills in their new job

Figure 1.15. Professional downgrading following displacement is relatively frequent in the United States

Figure 2.1. The United States has no notice period in case of individual dismissal but a more standard 2-month notice period for collective dismissals

Figure 2.2. Overall, protection against dismissal for permanent workers in the United States is the second lowest in the OECD

Figure 2.3. Relatively high flows in and out of unemployment result in a comparatively lower long term unemployment incidence in the United States

Figure 2.4. The size of the short time compensation programme in the United States is small but highly cyclical

Figure 2.5. Advance notice is rare in the United States and often very short

Figure 3.1. The UI recipiency rate in the United States has continued its long term downward slope after the global financial crisis

Figure 3.2. By early 2015, the number of UI claims in the United States has fallen to two thirds of the number of layoffs and discharges

Figure 3.3. Around one in two displaced workers in the United States receive UI benefit, with a peak in the midst of the Great Recession and a continuous drop since then

Figure 3.4. The UI benefit recipiency rate fluctuates considerably across US states but it is below one third in most of the states

Figure 3.5. After the recession, federal unemployment insurance costs in the United States outnumbered the state costs

Figure 3.6. UI benefit exhaustion is a very frequent phenomenon in the United States

Figure 3.7. Around one in four displaced workers in the United States receiving UI use up their benefit entitlement, while in the midst of the Great Recession about one in three did

Figure 3.8. Displaced workers in the United States who exhaust their UI entitlement have the poorest employment outcomes

Figure 3.9. Last resort payments are very low in the United States for all types of households

Figure 3.10. The United States belongs to a group of countries with a more leniently administered unemployment benefit scheme

Figure 4.1. Funding for the Dislocated Worker programme in the United States is much lower today than it was 15 years ago

Figure 4.3. Spending per dislocated worker in the United States has dropped sharply after the global financial crisis

Figure 4.4. Compared with other OECD countries, very little is spent in the United States on active labour market programmes and training