Cotton has played an important part in the economic development of many West African countries, and remains a key source of livelihood for many. Cotton has been grown in West Africa for over a century and a significant traditional textile industry has existed in the region for more than 50 years.

Hundreds of varieties of cotton grain exist in Africa, some of which are indigenous and have been traced back to the 10 and 13th centuries. Cotton has played an important part in the economic development of a number of West African countries and has remained a key source of livelihood for many. Cotton has been grown in West Africa1 for more than a hundred years and a significant traditional textile industry has existed in the region for more than 50 years (see e.g. Gardi 2003). In recent decades, volumes of cotton produced have exponentially increased. For example, in Mali alone production has risen from some 61 000 tonnes in the mid-1970s to more than 500 000 tonnes per year in 1997.

The West Africa region covered by this paper includes all 15 ECOWAS member States,1 Mauritania, Cameroon and Chad: 18 countries in total (see map below). This region therefore includes the key cotton producing countries in Central Africa included in the West and Central Africa sectoral initiative on cotton, submitted to the WTO in 2003.

The role of the cotton support system in agricultural innovation processes is illustrated by the cases of Mali and Ghana. In Mali, access to agricultural innovation generally appears to be better in cotton production zones, due to the cotton production support system introduced initially by the colonial administration: providing consistent access to fertiliser, pesticides, extension advice, credits, technology and inputs in a number of countries. 

In recent years the SWAC Secretariat has, through meetings, special events and field visits, held ongoing consultations with a wide range of regional actors on the priority issues facing the cotton sub-sector in West Africa. This has included governments, regional organisations, NGOs, private sector, producers, etc. Notwithstanding some competing interests and differing perspectives, there is a high degree of consensus among regional actors on the key stakes regarding the issues facing the cotton sub-sector in West Africa and wider implications for agricultural development. Key points emerging from these consultations merit careful consideration in the development of regional and international initiatives to address the difficulties faced by the African cotton sub-sector in the years to come.

Family agriculture in Africa appears to be far more vulnerable to price falls on international markets than in other countries, including in Europe and the US. This is linked to interconnections between cotton production and other economic sectors, inadequate policy reform, and the need to maintain diverse livelihood strategies at the household level in order to maintain income levels. How are farmers adapting their strategies to cope with the fall of the world price of cotton? Is there a case for national investment in and support for the regional textile industry for a given period until it can effectively compete with imported products? This merits a regional debate to be organised in order to identify a solution that takes into account the interests of the diverse actors in the African cotton sub-sector.

This review shows that cotton continues to have a critical role in producer livelihoods, agricultural development processes, national economic development, maintaining foreign exchange revenues for a large number of West African countries and in the contribution of access to services and poverty reduction. Further field level analysis would be useful to determine the evolving place of cotton in producer livelihood strategies and poverty reduction in the context of price pressures, volatile international markets and privatisation, and to identify the concrete diversification opportunities emerging.